On Biblical Diseases

Creator: Thomas Bartholin | Date: 1672 | Notes: Original title: De morbis biblicis miscellanea medica A learned medical-philological miscellany that examines illnesses, cures, and bodily states mentioned in Scripture. Bartholin collates biblical passages with patristic and rabbinic commentary and with Greek and Latin medical authorities in order to offer retrospective diagnoses and explanations, including readings of Job’s affliction, Nebuchadnezzar’s transformation, Judas’s illness, and the oil of the sick. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-wrestlers-hip-and-the-sleep-of-adam-how-a-lutheran-anatomist-diagnosed-the-diseases-of-scripture-without-dissolving-the-miracle">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/b31872220/">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Title: On Biblical Diseases
Creator: Thomas Bartholin
Date: 1672
Notes: Original title: De morbis biblicis miscellanea medica A learned medical-philological miscellany that examines illnesses, cures, and bodily states mentioned in Scripture. Bartholin collates biblical passages with patristic and rabbinic commentary and with Greek and Latin medical authorities in order to offer retrospective diagnoses and explanations, including readings of Job’s affliction, Nebuchadnezzar’s transformation, Judas’s illness, and the oil of the sick. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-wrestlers-hip-and-the-sleep-of-adam-how-a-lutheran-anatomist-diagnosed-the-diseases-of-scripture-without-dissolving-the-miracle">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/b31872220/">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

Document notes

Original title: De morbis biblicis miscellanea medica A learned medical-philological miscellany that examines illnesses, cures, and bodily states mentioned in Scripture. Bartholin collates biblical passages with patristic and rabbinic commentary and with Greek and Latin medical authorities in order to offer retrospective diagnoses and explanations, including readings of Job’s affliction, Nebuchadnezzar’s transformation, Judas’s illness, and the oil of the sick. 👉 Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here 📜 View the original file on Internet Archive This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.

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THOMÆ BARTHOLINI De MORBIS BIBLICIS MISCELLANEA MEDICA. Editio secunda correctior. IN CONATV LABOR FRANCOFURTI ex Bibliopolio Hafniensi DANIELIS PAULLI, Regii Librarii.

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THOMÆ BARTHOLINI De BIBLICAL DISEASES MEDICAL MISCELLANY. Second, more correct edition. IN THE ATTEMPT, LABOR FRANKFURT from the Copenhagen bookseller DANIEL PAULLI, Royal Bookseller.

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21 10

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Illustrissimo Viro N. PETRO GRIFFENFELD de Griffensfeldgaard Eqviti Aurato, er. Reg. Maj. Dan. Norvv. &c. à Consiliis intimis Suprem. Status, & Cameræ Secretario, Assessori in Collegio Status & Iustitiæ, Musarum Amori & Fautori, Mæcenati suo S. F.. P. TH. BARTHOLINUS.

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To the Most Illustrious Man N. PETER GRIFFENFELD of Griffensfeldgaard Knight of the Golden Spur, formerly Royal Majesty of Denmark and Norway, etc. Privy Councillor of the Supreme State and Chamber, Secretary, Assessor in the College of State and Justice, Lover and Patron of the Muses, his Maecenas S. F. P. TH. BARTHOLINUS.

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Orbis mortuisque vet Latinorum more hoc mense rentamus. Initia quidem læta bis effulserunt cum Fortunæ tali Primigeniæ litaremus, elegantissima Tua conjugé flore ætatis & Fortunarum Tibi per fatorum invidiam erep jam tecum dolemus fortunæ blandienti dendum non esse, etiam cum serenitatem liceru videtur. Diutius ista optatissimi gii felicitate frui non licuit, ut expertus res, in regnum Fortunæ & quidem dubi pervenisse omnes qui mortalitatem indueru illius plerumque arbitrio digna atque indig passuros. Tu verò qui supra Fortunam te Tua & constantia surrexisti, invidiam facies maximam, æquo animo. Non est accusare iniquitatem fatorum, talis fecere immortalem. Vitam puerpera proli dedit, quam sibinegavit, ut æternam sideret. Felix hæc commutatio, qua in sione æternæ felicitatis, nescit vices, constituta. Intrepida vox fuit Vagelii: dendum est mihi, cælo cecidisse velim. Men Majo malas nubere vulgus ait; sed & parere, sed puerperii, quod inter morbos refu- m

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According to the custom of the Latins, we spend this month in mourning the dead. Indeed, the beginnings shone brightly when we made sacrifice to Fortune in her prime; but now we grieve with you that your most beautiful spouse, in the flower of her age, has been torn away by the envy of fate. It seems that she could not remain to the blandishments of Fortune, even when serenity was already visible. It was not granted to enjoy for long the happiness of that most desired union, as you have learned by experience. All who have taken on mortality have entered the kingdom of Fortune, and a doubtful one at that, where they must for the most part endure what is fitting and due to her will. But you, who by your own virtue and constancy have risen above Fortune, will bear the greatest envy with an even mind. It is not for us to accuse the injustice of the fates; by such means they have made her immortal. As a mother, she gave life to her child, which she denied to herself, so that she might behold eternal life. Happy is this exchange, by which, being placed in the vision of eternal felicity, she knows no more changes. Bold was the voice of Vagelius: “... I must yield; I would rather have fallen from heaven.” The common people say that it is unlucky to marry in May; but also to bear children, and the pains of childbirth, which among illnesses...

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mus, crisin funestam experiri, exemplis inviti discimus. Solatium ingenti dolori afferre su- pra vires meas est, quod apud ipsum Te inve- nies, qui contra quoscunque sinistræ fortunæ dictus pectus armatum habes. Ratio lucum prudentibus excutit. Testari tamen contra vorum morboso hoc argumento volui, quan- tum me moveant Tua suspiria & insperata fe- licissimi alias conjugii detrimenta. Dolorem lenient exempla, mitigabit DEUS, & medici- nam illi afferet. Plus gratiæ hac orbitare con- feret, quam eripuit. Servet Te incolumem in publicum solatium Ille cujus crucis imaginem in pectore candidissimo sed auro contra æsti- mando geris, ut prudentia Tua cucem priva- tam consiliis publicam avertas. Serva Te or- bi, paitiæ, nobis, ut inter tot virtutum hono- rumque trophæa quasvis minantis Fortunæ insidias masculè declines, nobisque quæcunque aura spirit Tibi ex asse addictis, faveas, De- muro ne plura adoam moerentis animi indicia, ne beatæ Tuæ costæ in videas, in mentem revo- ca Græcorum illud: Quem amat DEUS. is moritur juvenis. Hafn. XVII. May cl[arissi]mæ LXXII. (3 Lecto-

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We are unwillingly taught by examples to experience a fatal crisis. To bring consolation to such great sorrow is beyond my strength, though you will find it in yourself, who, against whatever blows of adverse fortune, bear a breast armed, as it were, for them. Reason, however, clears the grove for the prudent. Yet I wished, in the face of this morbid sign of ill, to bear witness how deeply I am moved by your sighs and by the unexpected loss, once so happy, of your marriage. Examples will ease the grief; God will temper it and bring medicine to it. This bereavement will confer on you more grace than it has taken away. May He whose image of the cross you bear on your pure breast, though in gold beyond all price, preserve you unharmed for the public consolation, so that your prudence may ward off the private cross by public counsel. Preserve yourself to the world, to your country, to us, so that among so many trophies of virtues and honors you may manfully avert whatever snares threatening Fortune may lay, and to us, wholly devoted to you, breathe whatever favorable breeze you will. I must not set down any more signs of a grieving mind, nor let me see your blessed rib—recall to mind that saying of the Greeks: Whom GOD loves, dies young. Hafn. 17 May, 72. (3 Lecto-

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Lectori S. Aliud agentem ad has pagellas compulim Bibliopola noster Daniel Pauli. Op portunè tamen. Cum enim Opuscula sacra hactenus dispersa, uno fasciculo juncta in lu cem proferre animus esset, & de Paralyti cis Nov. Test. olim me quædam esse com mentatum haud ignoraret, rogavit, de cæ teris quoque morbis in sacro Codice, si quid haberem, bono publico ne inviderem, ut con spectius & majori pompa prodiret Volumen quod propediem est adornaturus. Arrept calamo Miscellanea hæc citius in chartam conjeci quam coqvantur asparagi, quæ addi- tamenta esse possunt eorum quæ de Paralyti eis repetito Hasniensium & Basileensium prælo commissa benignè excepisti. Festina- tioni nostræ vel ignosce vel applaude. Sin gula in majorem molem excrevissent, nisi ne- gotia alia interruptissent sermonis suscepti fi- lum, gravioram ibi quam publico. Vale. Regia

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To the reader, Our bookseller Daniel Pauli has compelled me to these pages while I was occupied with something else. Yet it was opportune. For since I had intended to bring to light the sacred little works hitherto scattered, joined together in a single bundle, and he knew that I had once written something about the Paralytics of the New Testament, he asked me not to grudge the common good any further remarks I might have about other diseases in the sacred Codex, so that the Volume he is shortly to prepare might come forth more prominently and with greater splendor. Seizing my pen, I threw together this Miscellany on paper more quickly than asparagus is cooked; these may serve as additions to those things which, concerning the Paralytics, you have kindly received from the repeated pressings of the Hâl and Basel printers. Either pardon or applaud our haste. The individual pieces would have grown into a larger bulk, had not other business interrupted the thread of the discourse begun, matters more serious there than for the public. Farewell. Royal

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Regiæ Hafniensis Academiæ Magnifico Rectori & Professori Honorario D[omi]N. D. THOMÆ BARTHOLINO ommentarium suum de Morbis Biblicis edenti. NtèSoporiferæ si quem medicamine Virgæ Perculit injectus somnus & Alalpotens, dami hic altam scrutetur mente quietem, Factaque miretur propigiosa DEI. veterum luctasq[ue] catenatasq[ue] Palæstras, Si stupet unctorum membra retorta Virum, Angelico Jacobum prostratum robore cernat Herculea plusquam diriguisse manu. Miratur Daphnen Phaëtonteasve sorores Aut propero Aglauron diriguisse gelu? xorem Lothi potiùs miretur, &, illam Quæ absumsit, statuam congeriemq[ue] Salis; nque sinu Mosis cunctâ sine labe repostas Extractas subita tabe nitere manus; Miretur radios diffusaque lumina Vatis Ut jubar his cedat vile, Latine, tuum. Cætera quid memorem docto miracula libro Passa meis longè nobiliora modis? Terra vale nimis arcta petit BARTHLINUS Olympum, Indigetem ut referat hac quoq[ue] parte Patrem Ille,

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To the Royal Academy of Copenhagen, to the Magnificent Rector and Honorary Professor, Dr. Thomas Bartholin, publishing his commentary on Biblical Diseases. If anyone, struck by the soporific medicine of the wand, and by the all-powerful sleep has been laid low, let him here search out deep quiet in his mind, and marvel at the wondrous works of God. If he wonders at the struggles of the ancients and their chained wrestling grounds, if he is amazed at the limbs of the anointed man twisted awry, let him behold Jacob thrown down by angelic strength, and bent more than by Herculean hand. Does he marvel at Daphne and Phaethon’s sisters, or at Aglaurus quickly turned to ice? Rather let him marvel at Lot’s wife, and at that pillar and heap of salt into which she was turned; and at the hands taken from Moses’ bosom, pure and without stain, now shining after sudden corruption; let him marvel at the beams and diffused light of the Prophet, so that your common radiance here yields, O Latin. Why should I mention the other wonders of the learned book, far more noble than those suffered in my verses? BARTHOLINUS, though earth is too narrow, seeks Olympus, so that he may also present his father as a native-born god in this part— he,

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Ille ubi te vigili lustrarat lumine totam Quæq[ue] amplo edideras pignora foeta sin Ut perpetuum prodesset, in Æthera dit, Gesta piè penetrans sensaque quæq[ue]; Deum Quosque olim acceptus, nec tunc novus, Inc la haberet, Maturè coepit Sanctus adire locos, Æmula non aliter summi Genitoris Imago, A Patre tentatum Filius instar iter, Postque exantlatos Puerili ætate labores, Qui Iuvenes possent quique tenere Viros, Postq[ue] pari Deinceps superata sequentia nil Lustra, nec Annorum se revocante mora, Pergit, & æterna ut Patriæ sua secula ducat, Summa, senex nondum, præcipit orsa num[er]s Jamque animo sublimis humum relinquit, inter Sidera Divinis inserit ora choris; Quoque beet Mortale Genus Coeleste refert Nectare dat nostræ procula plena siti; Sic quoque præveniens sanctè, quæ pensa rore O utinam cano non nisi senta trahant! Desine jam Majâ Genitos jactare, Vetustas, BARTHLINIS Pietas pandit ubique viar

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There, when with watchful light he had surveyed you throughout, and the pledges you had brought forth, fruitful in ample purpose, so that it might benefit forever, he sent them into the ether, gently penetrating deeds and every thought of God; whom once, when received, though not then new, he might have had as a dwelling, he began in good season to approach the holy places, in no other way than the emulous image of the supreme Father, the Son setting forth the journey first attempted by the Father, and after the labors borne in boyhood, labors fit for youths and able to sustain men, and after, in due succession, the following five-year periods overcome in equal measure, and no delay of years recalling him back, he advances, and that he may lead his own ages to the eternal homeland, though still not old, he hastens his beginnings in lofty measure. Now, exalted in spirit, he leaves the earth, and among the stars he joins his lips to the divine choirs; and, that he may bless mortal kind, he brings back heavenly nectar, offering it far away, full for our thirst; so also, holy one, anticipating what tasks remain, may they draw only the traces of age! Cease now, Antiquity, to boast of your born heroes; Piety everywhere opens the ways for BARTHLINIS.

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THOMÆ BARTHOLINI De MORBIS BIBLICIS. I. De somno Adami, an ec- stasis vel lethargus? Gen. II, 21. 22. On somnus dicitur, sed gra- vis somnus. Id notat textus. Acerbisimus est Con- stantino Manassi in Annal, à Leun- clavio Latinè factis: Adamus so- no acerbissimo sopitus est: somno, qui fuit initium versionis, & omnia perdentis invidiæ. Profun- us autem ille somnus dolorem mitigavit, uem ablata costa sentire debebat. Alias ra- ones mysticas excutit Aslacus noster in Phys. Christ. spec. quæ huc non spectant. Præeun- em ille habet Tertullianum, 1. de Anim. si Adam e Christo figurabat, somnus Adæmors erat Christi A dor-

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THOMÆ BARTHOLINI On BIBLICAL DISEASES. I. On the sleep of Adam, was it ec- stasy or lethargy? Gen. II, 21. 22. It is called sleep, but a gra- ve sleep. The text notes that. The harshest statement is that of Constantino Manasseh in the Annals, rendered into Latin by Leun- clavius: Adam was laid to rest by a most bitter sle- ep: a sleep which was the beginning of the trans- gression, and of the envy that destroyed all things. That deep sleep, however, mitigated the pain which he ought to have felt from the rib removed. Other mystical reasons are proposed by our Aslacus in Phys. Christ. spec., which do not pertain here. He is preceded by Tertullian, 1. de Anim. if Adam prefigured Christ, Adam’s sleep was Christ’s death A dor-

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TH. BARTHOLINI dormituri in mortem, ut de injuria perinde teris ejus vera mater viventium figuraretur Ecclesia. Idem alio sensu ibidem eleganter ita quitur: Si apud Deum discas, ille fons generis damante ehibit soporem, quam sitiit quietem: te dormit quam laboravit, imò & quam edit, quam & profatus est. Symmachus vertit Sed in sano integritatis statu adhuc adversabatur. Eodem errore tenentur, qui thargum reddunt. Revixit ille & statim valuit, cum à lethargo difficilis sit ad salutem pristinam regressus: Unde non somnum, oppressionem appellat Cælius Aurelianus Acut. c. 1. Quod si mentis tandem compa fiant, de cervicis dolore conqueruntur ap[ud] Hipp. in Coacis, quod pondus capitis vo Aretæus l. 1. Acut c. 2. Quibus incommodum non laborans Adam, post omnium rectè tione utebatur, & promptè munia exsequer tur. Vidi nuper duas lethargo oppressas minas primæ notæ, septimo die defunctu quarum una mentis compos marito illu ante valedixit, quam exspiraret, altera placit sine ullo rationis indicio, sensu tactus tam nonnihil superstite, sensim nobis erepta. malè meo judicio hic agnoscas LXX Interpretibus, sed raptum divinum. Tertullianus 1 de anima cap. Unum esse mam & Spiritum: Cecidit ecstasis super illum Eti spiritus vis operatrix prophetiæ. Ecstasis men illa in somno erat à DEO immissio,

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TH. BARTHOLINI sleeping unto death, so that by the injury likewise of his true mother, the Church of the living, the figure was represented. The same, in another sense, elegantly says there too: If you learn from God, that fountain of the race gave sleep to the one who was panting, rather than the rest he desired: you sleep what he labored, nay and what he ate, and what he spoke. Symmachus translates: But in a sound and integral state he was still opposed. Those are held by the same error who render it thargum. He revived and at once grew strong, since from lethargy there is a difficult return to his former health: whence Caelius Aurelianus calls it not sleep, but oppression, Acut. c. 1. If at last the powers of the mind are restored, they complain of pain in the neck, as in Hipp. in Coacis, of heaviness of the head; so Aretaeus l. 1. Acut. c. 2. By this inconvenience Adam, not laboring, after the correction of all things, made use of reason and promptly performed his duties. I recently saw two women oppressed by lethargy, of the first rank, who died on the seventh day, one of whom, fully in possession of her mind, said farewell to her husband before she expired; the other, lying placidly without any sign of reason, with only the sense of touch still remaining somewhat, was gradually taken from us. By my judgment you should not here recognize the Septuagint translators, but a divine rapture. Tertullian, book 1 De anima, chapter ... There is one soul and one Spirit: ecstasy fell upon him. And the power of the spirit was operative in prophecy. Ecstasy then in sleep was an infusion from GOD,

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 3 ectè post Epiphanium & Pererium explicat Polyhistor. II. De Jacobo claudicante. Genes. XXX, v. 22. Augustinus l. 16. de Civ. Dei c. 39. mysticè explicat de passione Christi: Tetegit por- lli idem Angelus veluti prævalenti latitudinem noris, eumq[ue] isto modo claudum reddidit. Erat unus atque idem Iacob benedictus claudus: dictus ineis qui in Christum ex eodem populo diderunt, atque in infidelibus claudus. Reve- amen luxationem cruris passus claudicabat ob. Sulpicius Severus l. 1. Hist. sacr. ß. 15. la- do femoris Jacob obtorpuit. Malè Jose- us l. 1. c. 19. πονευργο ποι πλατο vocat. seu la- m nervum. Nam nervus luxari non dici- . Rectius latitudo femoris est caput ossis moris, quod suo sinu seu vasto coxendicis etabulo excidit, quale exemplum in Cl. Rho- nostro Patavii habuimus, qui eapropter, anquam non malè repositum fueritos, toto cursu claudicabat, ut mirari subeat Tostam & Iunium, qui Iacobum die sequenti sana- m fuisse affirmant, ut sine claudicatione Esa- obviam iret. Verius cum Mercero Hornius Not. ad Sulpic. tota vita claudicasse, hinc- que A 2

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On Biblical Diseases. 3 Briefly after Epiphanius and Pererius explained by Polyhistor. II. On Jacob limping. Genesis XXX, v. 22. Augustine, l. 16, de Civitate Dei, c. 39, explains it mystically of the passion of Christ: “He touched the thigh” the same Angel, as if prevailing against the breadth of the thigh, and in this way made him lame. Jacob was at once blessed and lame: he is so called among those who believed in Christ from the same people, and also among the unbelieving, lame. Nevertheless, after suffering a dislocation of the leg he was limping. Sulpicius Severus, l. 1, Hist. sacr. § 15: the side of Jacob’s thigh became numb. Poorly does Josephus, l. 1, c. 19, call it a certain injury of the nerves; or rather a rupture of the sinew. For a sinew cannot properly be said to be dislocated. More correctly, the “breadth of the thigh” is the head of the thigh bone, which slipped out of its socket, or the broad cavity of the hip; such an example we had in the distinguished Rho at Padua, who on that account, although he had not been badly set, limped throughout his life, so that one may wonder at Tostatus and Junius, who affirm that Jacob was cured on the following day, so that he might go to meet Esau without limping. More truly, with Mercer, Hornius in the notes on Sulpicius says that he limped throughout his life, and hence...

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4 TH. BARTHOLINI quemorem illa parte abstinendi invaluisse. curabilem luxationem coxendicum pronunciat Galenus l. 18. de Us. Part. c. 2. futuramq[ue] necessario cruris claudicationem. Difficilis Celso l. 8. c. 20. qvum ibi valentissimi musculique sint, sifuum robur habent, admittant repositionem femoris si non habet postea non contineant. Ex colluctationi facilè excidunt articuli. Hinc in ludis Romani norum Medici conducti, sive chirurgi, gladiatoribus læsis luxatisveut recte Lipsius Saturnal. c. 14. etiam ratione vidus seu tæ Interpretes cum latitudinem femoris bi obtorpuisse dicunt, & emarcuisse, effectus luxationis asseqvuntur, quam plerumque cor sequitur. III. Uxor Lothi in salem versa. Genes. XIX, v. 26. B. Augustinus l. 1. de mirab. sacr. script. tenuissimam partem, quæ corpori ineruntum totum corpus insecisse scribit. Confirmat Mercurialis l. 6. Var. Lect. c. 26. ex Hippocr[ates] l. de Prisc. Med. ubi de amaro, salso &c. quæ homin inest, ait: ubi horum quidpiam sec

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4 TH. BARTHOLINI which severity of abstaining in that part has prevailed. Galen pronounces hip dislocation curable, l. 18. de Us. Part. c. 2., and that lameness of the leg will necessarily follow. Celsus, l. 8. c. 20, says it is difficult, since there the strongest muscles are found; if they retain their strength, they may admit reposition of the thigh, but if they do not, they afterward will not hold it in place. From wrestling the joints easily slip out. Hence in the Roman games physicians were hired, or surgeons, for gladiators wounded or dislocated, as Lipsius rightly says, Saturnal. c. 14. Also, by reason of the limp or of the foot itself, the interpreters say that when the width of the thigh has become numbed and wasted, they arrive at the effect of dislocation, which is commonly followed by bending of the joint. III. Lot's wife turned into salt. Genesis XIX, v. 26. B. Augustine, l. 1. de mirab. sacr. script., writes that the most tenuous part, which was in the body, penetrated through the whole body. Mercurialis, l. 6. Var. Lect. c. 26, confirms this from Hippocrates, l. de Prisc. Med., where, speaking of the bitter, salty, and the like that are in a human being, he says: when anything of these is cut off...

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m fuerit, & per se exstiterit, tunc & conspi- rum fit, & hominem molestia afficit. Quod ulterius explicat Mercurialis contigisse, at- e id, quod fieri quotidie spectamus in ide- is, seu Arquaticis, quorum intima bilis pars extimam corporis superficiem restagnans id um lucidum, amarum, arque aridum & de- rmatum reddit. Contulit huc operas suas mus sulfureus ex Sodoma ardente ore fa- cque ad urbem conversa exceptus, quemad- odum Puteolis vidimus in antro sulphureo halitu forti enecatos canes. Quales forsan ere venti illi qui in Historia Bavaria narran- t pastorem cum grege in petram convertis- Si traditioni credulæ fides ndhibenda, pro- prædium Sebyense in Selandia nostra, quod videt Affinis meus honorandus Henricus Müllerus Regius Quæstor simile spectaculum fertur. Nam ibidem ad littus stagni Tie se- saxorum majorum conspicitur, quam pom- um effecredunt nuptialem divina vindicta petram conversam. Sed revera est series pidum, qualis in monumentis veterum Da- orum frequens est, vocaturque vulgo monu- menta gigantium, cum sepulturæ locum desi- ment, pro familia aliqua illustri, quibus alibi ro aris Deorum prægrandia saxa adduntur. is verò loco cæmiterium fuisse paganorum el inde confirmor, quod nuperrimè vicinum olliculum effodientes coloni ad argillam eru- adam effoderint urnas aliquot mortuales cum cine- A 3

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if it has existed, and if it has stood by itself, then it also becomes conspicuous, and troubles a man. This Mercurialis further explains as having happened, to the same effect as what we see occurring every day in icteric, or aquatical, cases, in which the innermost part of the bile, flowing back to the outer surface of the body, makes the whole body bright, bitter, and dry and withered. To this also contributed that sulphurous vapour from burning Sodom, taken in with the face turned toward the city, just as we saw at Puteoli dogs killed in a sulphurous cave by a strong exhalation. Such perhaps were those winds which, as Bavaria’s history relates, turned a shepherd with his flock into stone. If credence is to be given to a credulous tradition, a similar spectacle is reported from our own Seby estate in Selandia, which my honoured kinsman, the Royal Treasurer Henricus Müllerus, sees. For there, at the shore of the lake Tie, there is seen a row of great stones, which they believe to be the nuptial feast turned by divine vengeance into stone. But in truth it is a series of graves, such as is common in the monuments of the ancient Danes, and is popularly called the monuments of giants, since they designate a burial place for some illustrious family, to which elsewhere very large stones are added as altars to the gods. But that this place was once a pagan cemetery is confirmed to me also by the fact that very recently, when the neighbouring little hill was being dug up, the peasants, in digging out the clay, unearthed several funeral urns with ash- A 3

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cineribus & ossibus humanis, quas in nostro servamus, cum sibulis, graphiis, & al Firmam salis compagem fuisse vel inde ma festum, quod statua ea temporibus Tertulli adhuc omnium oculis fuerit exposita. Qu quam nostra itineraria eam ignorent. Di versus sunt qui exscribantur, quia & miran quædam ibi notanrur de statua salina. Carm de Sodoma. In fragile mutata salem, stetit ipsa sep crum, Ipsaque imago sibi formam sine corpore vans. Durat adhuc, etenim dura statione æthra, Nec pluviis dilapsa situ, nec diruta ven Quin etiam si quis mutilaverit adve formam, Protinuse sese suggestu vulnera compl Dicitur vivens alia jam corpore, sex Munificos solito dispugere sangvine men Majolus dieb. Canic Colloq. 18. part. 1. Cypriano recitat hos versus. Inter dubia priani Bellarminus ponit 1. de Script Eccl Teriulliano verò asserit Sixtus Senensis, quem quitur Pamelius, quia stilus est Tertulliani uspiam inter Poëtas Cyprianus numerantur. C juscunque denique sit, illud quidum in car

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of human ashes and bones, which we preserve in our own place, together with little tubes, writing tablets, and other things. That it was a firm compact of salt may be gathered from this also, namely that that statue in the time of Tertullian was still exposed to the eyes of all. Although our itineraries do not mention it. There are different readings, because certain things are noted there concerning the salt statue, and a poem On Sodom. Changed into fragile salt, the tomb itself stood, And the image itself preserved its form without a body. It still endures, for by a steadfast station of the sky, It has not been washed away by rains, nor overthrown by time. Indeed, if anyone should mutilate its outward form, At once it again makes good its wounds from the pedestal. It is said to live, now with another body, and to disperse with its customary blood its generous members. Majolus, On the Day of Canic. Colloq. 18, part 1. Cyprian recites these verses. Among the doubtful works of Cyprian, Bellarmine places the 1st book De Script. Eccl. But Sixtus Senensis attributes it to Tertullian, whom Pamelius follows, because the style is that of Tertullian, and Cyprian is nowhere counted among the poets. However that may be, this much is certain in the poem:

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DE MOREIS BIBLICIS. 7 assequor, vulnera illa statuæ salinæ suppleri se allabante aqua, quam in sui statim natu- ræ convertit salina hæc minera, quò modo inæ fodinæ crescunt: Sed alterum de men- us in statua fluentibus more mulierum, non , nisi salis quædam sit colliquatio ab ex- mo aëre humido. Allegoricè Philo Iudæus e somniis hanc metamorphosin explicat, de qui anterioribus neglectis, h. e. virtutibus umque operibus, à tergo relicta sive vanam iam, coecas divitias, pulchritudinem, & id us alia respiciunt. Salem enim esse rempa- e solidam. Aliud docet Petruo Io. Faber Pal- spagir. c. 11. Salem esse principium coagu- onis in materia unctuosa fixa. De sale A- ano prodidit Plinius l. 31. c. 7. in acervos a Uticamad collium speciem construi, qui Sole Lunaque induruere, nullo liquore li- scere, vixque etiam ferrocædi: De sale du- ci lapideæ in Polonia minore videndus Marti- Cromerus l. 1. descript. Polon. IV. Manus Moysis arida. Exod. IV, 6. sinum recondita leproso candore extra- a narratur manus singulari impetrantis Je- hovæ A 4

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On Biblical customs. 7 I infer that those wounds in the salt statue are supplied as water runs up to it, which this saline mineral immediately turns into its own nature, in the way that mines grow. But the other explanation, namely of the fingers flowing in the statue like those of women, is not possible unless there be some liquefaction of the salt from excessively moist air. Allegorically, Philo the Jew explains this metamorphosis from the dreams, saying that those who neglect the things before them, that is, virtues and good works, and leave behind vain glory, blind riches, beauty, and all such things, look back. For salt is a solid, enduring thing. Another account is given by Petrus Io. Faber in Palæspagir. c. 11: that salt is the principle of coagulation in fixed unctuous matter. Pliny reports concerning African salt, l. 31, c. 7, that it was piled up from Utica into the shape of hills, which, hardened by the sun and moon, would not dissolve with any liquid and could scarcely even be cut with iron. Concerning the double stone-like salt in Lesser Poland, see Martinius and Cromerus, l. 1, Descript. Polon. IV. The dry hand of Moses. Exod. IV, 6. The hand, hidden in his bosom, is said to have come forth outside with leprous whiteness, as the hand of the man who obtained it by a singular prayer to Jehovah...

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TH. BARTHOLINI. hovæ miraculo, Tertullianus I. de Resurr. Carne 9. 22. lepræ non meminit, sed tabe confecta vel emortuam dicit, indeque resurrectionis argumentum ita necit: Cum Moyses manum sinu condit & emortuam profert. & rursus insinus & vividam explicat, nonne hoc de toto homine per tendit? siquidem trina virtus DEI per trina signa notabatur cum suo ordine &c. Excusari men meretur Tertullianus, cum lepræ effectu fuerit membrorum tabes. Hæc Manus arida in memoriam revoc manus alterius quæ miraculo quodam ans superioris seculi 33. prope Rostochium in lig arido super lapidem posito excrevit digitis et pansis, quæ movebatur & à magno motu suci vit, sudore lapidem irrigante, in cujus adve parte figura erat Viri barbati. Paulus War fridus I. 1. Gest. Longob. c. 4. de septem Viris storiam inserit, qui longo sopore sopiti era illæsis corporibus & vestimentis: è quibusdam unius habitum quidam cupiditate stimulau vellet exuere, mox ejus, ut dicit, brachia arte runt, poenaque sua cæteros perterruit. Scil cet noxii sunt membris viventium cadaver halitus extumulis diu clausis expirantes, sic variis exemplis alibi probavimus. Historia recitat Clarissimus Gallorum Medicus Rena Moræus, amicus dum vixit noster in Orati ne Inauguriali ad Ludovicum XIII. habit 633.

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TH. BARTHOLINI. What a wonder! Tertullian, in De Resurrectione Carnis 9, 22, makes no mention of leprosy, but says that the hand was consumed by decay, or half-dead, and from this he draws the argument for the resurrection: when Moses hides his hand in his bosom and brings it out dead, and then again in his bosom and restores it alive, does not this extend to the whole man? since the threefold power of God was indicated by the three signs, in their proper order, etc. Tertullian deserves to be excused, when the effect of leprosy was the decay of the limbs. This withered hand recalls to memory another hand which, by a certain miracle, in the above-mentioned century, about 33, near Rostock, grew out upon a dry tree-trunk placed on a stone, with fingers spread open; it moved and, by a great motion, shed sap, the stone being wetted with sweat, on whose upper part there was the figure of a bearded man. Paulus Warfridus, I, 1, Gest. Longob. ch. 4, inserts the story of seven men who had been put into a long sleep, with their bodies and garments unharmed; one of these, stirred by desire for one man’s clothing, wished to strip it off, but immediately, as he says, his arms were twisted, and his punishment terrified the others. Clearly, those decaying corpses are harmful to the limbs of the living, exhaling vapors from graves long shut; and so we have proved elsewhere by various examples. The story is related by the very learned French physician René Moræus, once our friend, in the inaugural oration delivered to Louis XIII, 633.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 9 V. e Facie Mosis immutata. Exod. XXXIV. D mutatum corporis habitum facies illæ divino fulgore splendens spectat, de qua s non pauca diximus lib. 1. de Luce hominum p. 12. Ea verò quia ad hoc argumentum illustrandum pertinent, non gravabor hic re- tere in gratiam illorum qui operæ hujus mpendium amant. Nolim autem vulgatæ nimium fidas versio- quæ cornutam egredientis Moysis faciem malè posuit. Unde pictorum ortus error. ui Mosen suis delineaturi coloribus, binis cor- bus exornare solent, ut nummus indicat an- qui Toreumatis Romæ à me inventus, & in- xo arietis in morem cornu cum decalogi cepto de Idololatria vitanda signatus cujus onem dedimus c. 3. de Unicornu. Cui similis alter apud Cl. Io. Rhodium nostratem, nisi quod in rectum obtrusius protendantur cor- ua, quæ nulla apparent in concinnata Legis- toris effigie apud Cl. Salmasium libr. de Co- ra Christianorum quidem opus crediderim opprobrium gentis Iudææ factum, quæ o- ni seculo sculpturas damnavit; idque eo ma- is suspicor, quod malè Iudæos habere Steuchus abbinus auctor est, quia Christiani cum cor- nibus A 5

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 9 V. On the unaltered face of Moses. Exod. XXXIV. The changed appearance of the body, the face shining with divine splendor, I have already spoken of at some length in book 1, On the Light of Men , p. 12. But since the things there said pertain to the illustration of this argument, I shall not hesitate here to repeat them for the benefit of those who like a brief treatment of the matter. However, I would not trust too much the common translation, which has wrongly rendered the face of Moses, when he came down, as horned. Hence the error of painters arose, who, when they are about to depict Moses, usually adorn him with two horns, as an ancient coin indicates to me, found at Rome among my collections of engraved works, and marked with a horn in the manner of a ram, together with the beginning of the Decalogue on the need to avoid idolatry, a drawing of which we gave in ch. 3, On the Unicorn . A similar one is in the possession of the distinguished Io. Rhodius of our country, except that the horns are thrust out more straightly; none, however, appear in the neatly fashioned image of the Lawgiver in the work of the distinguished Salmasius, On the Horns of the Christians . Indeed, I should think this was a reproach made against the Jewish people, who in every age condemned sculptures; and I suspect this all the more because Steuchus says that the Jews were ill-disposed because Christians with horns ... A 5

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TH. BARTHOLINI nibus Moysen depingunt. Revera enim cornu capiti ejus hæsisse, aliquibus firmiter persv sum, ut legi per eum latæ major accedere auctoritas, quod apud Henricum Salmuth No ad Gvidonis Pancirelli deperdita reperias. Na cornu auctoritatis & excellentiæ nota tertum ut pro ipso etiam Regno in divino codice Sam. 11. 10. adhibeatur. Alii subtiliori gen cornutum Mosen Iudæis apparuisse putarunt quoniam Lysimachi Regis more concinnos ga stavit capillos, quibus & olim usi Armeniæ cerdotes. Dissimiles in numo visuntur, que ex Lansio exhibet Schickardus. In cornuum sanè formam crines in magnifico æreæ statu opere Melitæ interquentur, quod Mosis simu lachrum templo S. Iohannis Anno salutis 1551 Galli consecrarunt Et ne quis sine ratione interpretetur aliorum, ignorare non debet, ta crinium artificium cornu appellasse Iuvenalem Sat. XIII, Carula quis stupuit Germani lumina, fla vam Cæsariem, & madido torquentis cornu cirro? Quales novæ nuptæ nuptiarum celebritate Veneriis gestant, & de omnibus felicis Arabi incolis in descriptione urbis Reane refert Lud vicus Varthema. Scribit quoque ex sententia Græcorum Grammaticorum Cælius Rhodigin 1. 20

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TH. BARTHOLINI they depict Moses with horns. For indeed the horn having stuck to his head, some firmly per- suaded themselves, so that to the law given through him there might accrue greater authority, as you find in Henry Salmuth and in the lost work of Guido Panciroli. The horn, a sign of authority and excellence, is also used even for the kingdom itself in the divine code of Sam. 11. 10. Others, with a more subtle approach, thought that Moses appeared horned to the Jews because he wore his hair arranged in the style of King Lysimachus, which was also once used by the priests of Armenia. They are seen dissimilar on a coin, which Schickard displays from Lanzius. The hair is certainly intertwined in the shape of horns in a magnificent bronze statue found in Melita, which the French dedicated to the temple of St. John in the year of salvation 1551, as an image of Moses. And lest anyone interpret the matter without reason, he should not be ignorant that Juvenal called the art of arranging the hair “horns” in Satire XIII: "Who was astonished by the Germans’ eyes, the fair hair, and the curl twisting like a wet horn for Caesar?" Such are the styles worn by brides on the celebration of weddings, and Ludovicus Varthema relates this of all the inhabitants of fortunate Arabia in his description of the city of Reane. Cælius Rhodiginus also writes, in agreement with the Greek grammarians, 1. 20

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 11 c. 1. cornua pro capillis fuisse posita, quia, rumvue eodem modo enascatur. Quin pro ce crines usurpatos ex Valerio Flacco 1. 2. patet, alios advocem: Astraq[ue] effusis stellatus crinibus ether. Ut facilis ad cornua fuerit flexus, pari licen- , qua incurva omnia figuræ vicinitate per- rnu expresserunt antiqui vel Isidoro monen- l. 9. origin. Præsertim verò flumina, quæ per liquas ripas tortuoso cursu labuntur. Viden- e autoritates 1. 1. de Luc. Anim. c. 12. Ve- m hac de Mose conjecturas sacer textus pres- us inspectus, & meliores Interpretes de faci- dissant. Sine cornibus enim fuisse Legisla- rem extra dubitationis est aleam, quæ si au- ritatis gratia accepisset, frustra velamine ab- ondidisset iis, quibus forent monstranda, pa- mque modestè Jehovæ remoto velo osten- let. Verosimilius enim videtur, crines fuis- lumine interspersos, & cornua nihil nisi sum- i splendoris radios ex tacie emicantes signifi- sse, quibus astantium oculi perstringeban- r. Apud Hebræorum quippe gentem Cornu Radius pari passu ambulant, quoniam ver- am per splenduit exponunt, & Rabbi mche idem à cornu derivat. Quod & atinis placuit, qui cornua luminosis, vel lumi- cornutis assignarunt. Lunam quippe corni- us Lunæ dabant speciem, solus sit testis Claudia- es de vitula lib. 1. de Raptu: Vitu-

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On Biblical diseases. 11 ch. 1. horns were put in place of hair, because, the same way it grows forth. Indeed, that hair was used for this purpose is clear from Valerius Flaccus 1. 2.; let me cite others: “And the sky, star-studded with flowing hair.” How easy a turn to horns there must have been, by the same license, by which the ancients represented all curving things through the likeness of a figure, even as Isidore notes l. 9. orig. Especially rivers, which through watery banks glide with a winding course. See the authorities l. 1. de Luc. Anim. ch. 12. Weighing this conjecture about Moses, the sacred text itself carefully examined, and the better interpreters discussing the matter, may confirm it. For that the Lawgiver was without horns is beyond doubt; if he had received them for the sake of authority, he would not have hidden them under a veil from those to whom they were to be shown, since by removing the veil he modestly displayed Jehovah himself. Rather, it seems more probable that his hair was interspersed with a shining brilliance, and that the horns meant nothing else than the rays of a certain lofty splendor flashing from his face, by which the eyes of those present were dazzled. For among the Hebrew people Horn and Ray go hand in hand, since they explain the one by the other as brightness, and Rabbi Moses derives the same thing from cornu. This also pleased the Latins, who assigned horns to the luminous, or to those with bright horns. For the moon was given a horned appearance by its light; let Claudia be witness alone, concerning the heifer, book 1, On the Rape: Vitu-

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12 Th. BARTHOLINI - Vitulam non blandius ambit Torvaparens, pedibus quæ nondum p terit arva, Nec nova lunatæ envavit germina from Undecaput cervi cornuum micare dici apud Calphurnium Ecl. 6. - Micat acre caput. R. Salomon verò per radios Hebræam ori nem exponens, vocat cornua n gnificentia. Cui concors est Chaldeæ ver quæ gloriam posuit faciei, ad aliorum scrip rae locorum mutationem. Alibi etenim gloriam notat & decus, quod ex lumine eluc Ita Febr 16. v. 15. facc consui super cutem meam; & operui cinere g riam meam. Ubi Ionathan decorem, & pat remotiori significatu Andreas Osiander sub tuunt cornu. At quo sensu in vulgata versis necarnem elegerit B. Hieronymus, equidem ignoro. Melius certe in Psalmus LXXV, 5. v LXXXIX. 15. CXXXII, 17. CXLVIII. 14. cornu supposuit, quanquam simili ration gloriam seu splendorem Ionathan maluer Explicant autem carneam hanc lucem E bræorum Magistri, imprimis R. Salomon, qu radii in cornu morem reflexi, ex Mosaico vi tu miscuerint, sicut & radios à sole derivat cornu speciem præ se ferre, subinde imagi mur. Quo pertinent hi Drepano ascripti ve sus: Flan

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12 Th. BARTHOLINI - The mother who bears a calf does not more fondly cherish it, nor does the earth, which has not yet been plowed by feet, produce the new shoots of the moonlike field, Nor the horns of the deer with twelve points, said to gleam in Calphurnius, Ecl. 6. - The sharp head gleams. R. Solomon, however, explaining Hebrew by means of rays, calls horns magnificence. In agreement with this is the Chaldee version, which, in reference to the alteration of other scriptural passages, puts glory in place of face. For elsewhere it notes glory and splendor, which shines forth from light. Thus in Feb. 16, v. 15: I sewed sackcloth upon my skin; and I covered my glory with ashes. Where Jonathan renders it beauty, and from a more remote sense Andreas Osiander substitutes horn. But in what sense B. Jerome in the Vulgate should have chosen flesh, I confess I do not know. Certainly better in Psalm LXXV, 5; v. LXXXIX, 15; CXXXII, 17; CXLVIII, 14, he put horn, although with a similar reasoning Jonathan preferred glory or splendor. The Hebrew doctors, especially R. Solomon, explain this fleshly light by saying that the rays, reflected in the manner of a horn, mingled with the Mosaic splendor, just as we imagine that the rays derived from the sun, having the appearance of a horn, are represented in the following verses attributed to Drepanus: Flan

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 13 ammea cornuto librantem lumina vultu, estantemque sacris pura sacrata libris. Nec alia ratione Alexardo Macedoni cor- pone aures in antiquis numismatibus ap- guntur, quod in Observationibus nostris No- de Unicornu annotavimus, quam quia ca- ejus in summo prælii indici ardore scintu- re referant Historici, si quidem hæc conje- ra placet: non nescius interim ad Iovis monis arietem respexisse quamplurimos us se filium falsa sacerdotum acclamatione taverat Macedo. Quicquid sit, tanta ex yse affulsit claritas, ut velo habuerit opus, cha ad populum faciurus. Quod ad mysti- m sensum trahit D. Paulus 2. Cor. 3. v. 13. & obscuris quidem verbis, sed satis intellectis, quorum sententia huc fereredit, lucere mpe etiamnum Moysis faciem, nec videri Israëlitis ob lucis splendorem, qui, ne fa- m absorbuerat quasi, ita in veteri foedere ulos intentius perstringere legum duritie, yporum velamine à Christo detegendo. Id m pò na (aqv)erat seu evacuatur denotasse guror. Parum ad veritatem Rabbi Sepha- di accedit præsentis veli explicatio. Velasse mpe Moysen vultus, cum filiis Israël loque- tur, quo majorem auctoritatem dictis adde- damovisse vero velamen ad Iehovam con- rso sermone, quia indignum foret cooperta cie Regem Regum affari. Ingeniola sanè, sed

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 13 a face with horns, his eyes cast down, and standing with pure hands in sacred books. Nor for any other reason do the ears of Alexander the Macedonian on ancient coins appear thus, as we noted in our Observations on the Unicorn, than because his horns, at the very summit of the battle’s signal blaze, are said by historians to have flashed forth, if indeed this conjecture is acceptable; meanwhile he was not unaware that he had been assigned by the false acclamation of the priests to the ram of Jupiter Ammon. Whatever the case, so great a brightness shone forth from the brow that he needed a veil when he went forth to address the people. Paul draws this to a mystical sense in 2 Cor. 3:13, and in obscure words indeed, but sufficiently understood, whose meaning seems to be this: the face of Moses still shone, and could not be looked upon by the Israelites because of the splendor of the light, which had, as it were, swallowed up their sight; so in the old covenant, by the severity of the law, the people were more sharply struck, the veil of figures to be removed by Christ. This seems to have denoted that it was taken away, or made void. The explanation of the present veil is far from the truth of Rabbi Sephardi. Moses, indeed, is said to have veiled his face when speaking with the children of Israel, in order to add greater authority to his words. But he removed the veil when he came to Jehovah, because it would be unworthy to address the King of Kings with a covered face. Ingenious enough, indeed, but

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TH. BARTHOLINI sed antiquitatem nullam lapiunt, quippe ita facies caputque in veterum sacris non jestatem, sed animi indicabat demissionem, fusius in Anatomia nostra Pagana egimus Un hic sufficeret Plauti testimonium in Most laria: - Quinetiam hoc illi dicitto Facturum me, ut ne etiam adspicere audeat, Capite obvoluto ut fugiat summo metu. De Megara in Hercul Furente Seneca Actor. sc. 3. Namque ipsa tristi vestis obtenta caput Velata, juxta præsides astat Deos, Laterique adhæret verus Alcida sator Plutarchus etiam in Quæst. Rom. inter caus quare velato capite, non aperto Diis sacra fi rent, primum facit, eo habitu animi fassos e demissionem. Quam antiquorum religi nem contrario Christianorum ornatu illu Tertullianus in Apolog. c. 20. Illuc (scilicet coelum) suspicientes Christiani manibus expan quia innocui, capite nudo, quia non erubescimus, nique sine monitore, quia de pectore oramus, p cantes sumus omnes semper pro omnibus. Et Græcorum Romanorumque hunc cultum gerat Sepharadi, idem probo inter Hebræ usitatum, quorum Pontifices sacrarium i gressi

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TH. BARTHOLINI but they do not lapse into any antiquity, since thus in the sacred rites of the ancients the face and head indicated not majesty, but humility of spirit; we have treated this more fully in our Pagan Anatomy. Here the testimony of Plautus in the Mostellaria would suffice: - And indeed tell him this too: That I shall do this, so that he dare not even look at me, with head covered, so that he may flee in utter fear. Of Megara in Seneca’s Hercules Furens , Act. 3. For she herself, with sad garment covering her head, veiled, stands beside the presiding gods, and clings to the side of the true father of Alcides. Plutarch also in the Quaestiones Romanae , among the causes why sacrifices were performed to the gods with the head covered and not uncovered, first gives this: that by that habit they confessed humility of spirit. This custom of the ancients Tertullian in Apologeticum , ch. 20, illustrates by the contrary dress of Christians: “Looking up to heaven, Christians with hands spread out, because innocent; with head uncovered, because we are not ashamed; and without a monitor, because we pray from the heart, for we are all always praying for all.” And this cult of the Greeks and Romans is also practiced among the Sepharadi; the same I approve among the Hebrews, whose priests, having entered the sanctuary

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 15 ffuri capitis tegmen, quod Cidarim lineam cant, officiosa ergo Jehovam devotione in- unt, ut ex Exod. XXIX, 6. & XXXIX, 28. 31. vit. XVI, 4. manifestè colligimus. In hodi- ris quoquesacris veteris moris observantis- i, velato omnia capite peragunt. Non er- ob auctoritatem vultum Moyses texit, sed splendoris intensi radios ab auditoribus di- rteret, quorum radiorum majestatem pie & ucide D. Paulus in æternæ lucis comparatio- 2. Cor. 3. v. 16. proposuit. Pressius Moysis em introspexit Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 6. om. glorificatam caloris speciem agnoscens. quo splendoris per universam faciem diffusi ntinuo tractu, nolumus cum pictoribus ra- os in cornua bina dividere seu eminentes fa- las, qui æquali splendore continuam lucem Gisse inde credimus, quod totam pariter ob- lla verit faciem, nulla distinctio intervallo nnum differentia. Unde major ex veritate oria pictorum foret, si non tam cornutam, am radiatam æquis partibus faciem duce- nt, eodem artificio, quo sanctorum capita ntinuo radiantis coronæ circulo cinguntur. Cujus quidem coronæ non æque manifesta origo, atque usus. Inveniemus tamen, si nos fallit augurium. Corona lucente illo- m tantum verticem circumdederunt, qui di- nitatis aliquo privilegio luce insigni seu in- tra, seu à superis concessa effloruere. Ex ce autem, quam corpora spirare fingebant, pro

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 15 The covering for the head, which they call a Cidaris of linen, they therefore put on in devout reverence toward Jehovah, as we clearly gather from Exod. XXIX, 6, XXXIX, 28, 31, and Lev. XVI, 4. In the sacred rites of the present day as well, those who observe the ancient custom perform everything with the head covered. Moses did not cover his face on account of authority, but to keep the rays of intense splendor from the hearers, the majesty of which rays St. Paul, with pious clarity, set forth in the comparison with the light of eternity, 2 Cor. 3, v. 16. More closely did Clement of Alexandria examine the face of Moses, in book 6, recognizing in it the glorified appearance of heat. Since the splendor was diffused over the whole face in one continuous tract, we are not willing, with the painters, to divide the rays into two horns or into protruding points of the face, which, with equal brilliance, are thought to have emitted a continuous light, because it covered the whole face alike, with no distinction of interval and no difference of shadow. Hence the painters’ representation would be truer to the facts if they were to depict not so much a horned as a radiated face in equal parts, by the same artifice with which the heads of saints are surrounded by the circle of a continuously radiant crown. The origin and use of this crown, however, are not equally clear. Yet we shall discover it, if our conjecture does not mislead us. They surrounded only the brow with a shining crown on those who had flourished with some privilege of divinity, marked by distinguished brightness, whether granted from within or bestowed from above. From this appearance, by which they imagined bodies to breathe, pro

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TH. BARTHOLINI pro subjecti capitis ratione, tenore in orbe radii expanduntur nunquam interrupto, tamen, quamvis uniti, ob distantiam disti ctis per exigua intervalla apicibus visui non imponunt. Hincque artificiosa pictorum manus, ut oculorum lapsum corrigent, fluentem sanctorum lucem seu veram, seu pu taticiam integra coronarum serie per penic lum figura vit, quam alioquin in radios disp sam falso suspicaremur. Fuit & aliorum or gnitati concessa radiata hæc corona, qui a qua luce vulgarium sortem videbantur ex dere. Talem de Augusto filio in somnis im ginabatur Octavius Pater apud Sultorium 94. dum videre visus est filium mortali specie a pliorem cum fæmine & sceptro, exuviisque fo Opt. Max. ac radiata corona super laureatum cu rumbissenis equis candore eximio trahentib[us] Quod elegantii exposuit Vellejus Pater cum lib. 2. Qvum intraret orbem, solis orbis super cap ejus curvatus æqualiter, rotundatusque in color arcus, veluti coronam tanti mox Vir capiti imp nens. conspectus est. Latinam paridecoris fa inducit Virgilius l. 12. Æneid. - cui tempora circum Aurati bis sex radii fulgentia cingunt Solis avi specimen: Nec dissimilis Ovidio in Epist. ad Hippol. la datus:

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TH. BARTHOLINI According to the nature of the subject head, they are extended in the orbit by the rays in an unbroken course; yet, though united, because of the distance, they do not present themselves to the eye as distinct points at small intervals. Hence the skillful hand of painters, in order to correct the wandering of the eyes, depicts the flowing light of the saints, whether real or imaginary, with an entire series of crowns by the brush, which otherwise we might falsely suspect to be scattered into rays. This radiate crown was also granted to others of distinguished rank, who seemed to emerge from the common lot of ordinary men by a kind of divine light. Octavius the Father imagined such a thing in a dream concerning Augustus his son, as Sultorius relates, 94, when he seemed to see his son in a mortal form, but nobler, with a female figure and a scepter, and the spoils of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and a radiate crown above a laurel-covered chariot drawn by six horses of exceptional whiteness. This was more elegantly set forth by Velleius Paterculus, lib. 2: “When he entered the world, the orb of the sun above his head, curved evenly and rounded in color, like a rainbow, as if presently placing a crown upon such a man’s head, was seen.” Virgil introduces a likeness no less beautiful in Aeneid 12: “—around his temples twice six golden rays shine, encircling the gleaming head: an image of his grandfather the Sun.” Nor is Ovid unlike him in the Epistle to Hippolytus, praised:

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 17 Quod sit avus radiis frontem vallatus acutis, Purpureo tepidum qui movet axe diem. Prorsus id in Syria Dea cum Luciano admi- is, quam Ποῦτὴ μὴ Ποραλὴ αυτινας Φορειω, tonas in capite portare narrat, radiis dubio ocul immixtas. In Misanthrope apud eun- m adulator aliquis auream statuam Timoni git, ἔγαννον ἀν τὴ δεξια ἐχοιλι, καὶ αυτινας τὴ μὴ Ποραλὴ. Quas quoque non rarò in- terum nummis advertas. Nimbus voca- tur ejusmodi corona radiata, teste Servio em ad veri nimbi, qui coelestia sidera Lu- m Solemque ambit, similitudinem depi- m haud iverim inficias, ut qvum sub hu- mæ formæ specie Deos hos colerent, nim- m illorum divinioris conditionis homini- s attribuerit. Sol autem ut Princeps uni- si lux, radiato vultu ante cæteros resplen- t, & splendere fingitur apud Martianum Ca- lib. 1. de Nupt. Philol. solis augustum ca- radiis perfusum circumactumque flamman- us. Et Arnobius disertissimus contra gen- lib. 6. in eandem rem disserit: Ecce si ali- is, vobis nescentibus & ignaris, rex urbanus callidus ex foribus suis solem tollat, & in- curui transferat sedem; Mercurium rur- arripiat, & in solis faciat commigrare de- rum, (uterque enim à vobis glaber, atque B ore

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 17 That there is a grandfather encircled on the forehead with sharp rays, who moves the warm day on a purple axle. Indeed, in Syria the goddess, as Lucian says, carries on her head, I know not what, and some kind of rays mingled with eyes. In the Misanthrope , too, a certain flatterer sets up a golden statue for Timon, with something in his right hand, and some kind of... These you will also not infrequently notice on coins. Such a radiated crown is called a nimbus, according to Servius, from its resemblance to the true nimbus, which surrounds the heavenly stars and the sun. I would not deny that, when under the appearance of human form they worshipped these gods, the nimbus had been attributed to them as a mark of a more divine condition. But the Sun, as prince of the universe, the one light, shining foremost with his radiant countenance, is also represented as shining, as Martianus Capella says, lib. 1 de Nupt. Philol. , the august chariot of the sun, sprinkled with rays and surrounded by flames. And the most eloquent Arnobius, against the nations, lib. 6 , speaks on the same matter: Behold, if, without your knowledge and while you are unaware, some clever urban king should steal the sun from his place and transfer it from its course; or should seize Mercury from the countryside and make him pass into the place of the sun, (for both of them, indeed, are by you without hair, and at the mouth...

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ore confingitur lævi,) decque huic radios, sol capite petasunculum superponat; quibus mod internoscere poteritis, utrumne sol iste sit, a ille Mercurius, qvum habitus vobis Deos, ne oris soleat proprietas indicare? Confert quæ que de sole symbolam suam Prudentius lib. contra Symmachum: Hoc sidus, currum, rapidasque agita quadrigas Commenti, & radios capitis, & verbe dextra, Et frenos falerasque & equorum pecto anhela. Radiatis lineis revera pictum fuisse, ostend antiqua Solis Tabula marmorea, quam ex bus Hasdrubalis Matthæi Marchionis Iovii doctissimus Alexander publico scripto illo stravit. Sexdecim radios præfert numisma tus Rhodium apud Ant. Augustinum Dial humana specie & capillis dependentibus, quæ tamen in Goditano solis nummo non dep[er] hendit Io. Bapt. Suarez in Antiq. Gaditani Per crines expresserunt Poëtæ, ut notum vel lius Statu versiculo lib. 3. Theb. -- Rutilamque lavabat Occari sub fonte comam. Quo etiam illustribus rotis collinearum

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...is fashioned with a smooth face, and upon this he places rays, and on the head a little cap; by these means you will be able to distinguish whether this is the Sun, or that Mercury, since the appearance itself is not usually enough to indicate the deity? Prudence also contributes her own symbol of the Sun in book against Symmachus: This star, the chariot, and the swift-driving four-horse team he invented, and the rays of the head, and the right hand’s rod, and the reins, the trappings, and the panting chests of the horses. That it was in truth painted with radiating lines is shown by an ancient marble tablet of the Sun, which the most learned Alexander, in a public writing, copied from the one of Hasdrubal Matthæus, Marquess of Iovius. A Rhodian coin, according to Ant. Augustinus, bears sixteen rays; with a human figure and hanging hair, which however Io. Bapt. Suarez did not observe on the Gades coin of the sun in his Antiquities of Gades. Poets expressed it through the hair, as is well known, as in Statius, book 3 of the Thebaid: -- And she washed her bright hair under the cooling spring. By which also, with splendid wheels, ...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 19 bus mundo diem promit conditque Phoe- candentium & lucidarum nomine veni- bus. Claudianus recitet de Nupt. Hon. - - mitabantur hanc radiati solis imaginem asse Christianorum primi si recte senten- subducamus, in depingendis sanctis, ne cquam in claritate Diis viderentur cessisse. forsan ad coronas respexerunt, quid per ces eminent, Deorum proprias, ut largio- us testimonii exponunt Antiquarii. In e sane Ægyptia, quam ex gemma signato. vetere delineavit Pignorius Symb. Epist. 23. onula ad radios cælestes accedit quam pro- ne. Sunt tamen, qui coronam orbicula- m in sanctorum statuis effictam tantum ob elam existiment, ut irriscentes pluviarum ni- umque noxas veluti clypeis à capite decli- nt: sitque locopilei, cujus nempe formam curate effingit antiquissima D. Marci sta- Patavii in foro piscatorio veteri ad ædem Andræ erecta, olim, ut fama est, Atestâ vecta. Hunc galerum dixerunt excipiens à sole injuriis usitatum. Claudianus 1.1. de aptu: B 2 Galle-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 19 ... the world promises a day and names Phoe- bus with the names of the shining and bright. Claudian recite, de Nupt. Hon. ... ... they imitated this image of the radiant sun if we rightly judge, the first Christians, in depicting saints, did not seem in brightness to have yielded to the gods. perhaps they looked to crowns, which, as the antiquarians explain by many testimonies, denote eminence, and are proper to the gods, so that ... In truth the Egyptian one, which Pignorius drew from a gem with a seal, devised in earlier times, Symb. Epist. 23. ... the little circle approaches the heavenly rays more than the pro- ... There are, however, some who think that the crown fashioned in the statues of saints in the form of a small orb is only on account of the ... so that, mocking the injuries of showers and of the night, they may ward them off as with shields from the head: and that it is in place of a cap, whose form that very ancient statue of St. Mark carefully represents, set up at Padua in the old fish market by the church of St. Andrew, once, as tradition says, brought from Este. They called this helmet one used for protection from the injuries of the sun. Claudian, l. 1. de raptu: B 2 Galle-

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Gallenius adstitit ales, Sommiferam quatiens virgam, tectusq[ue] galero. Necnon Calphurnius Eccl. 1. de ornite & Coryne ne colonis: Nos qvoqve vicinis cur non succedim umbris? Torridæ cur solo defendimus ora galere Cui Tiara non fuit absimilis, quam profulgi tibus radiis nimboque in Phoenice poluit siologus Epephanti plane ad mentem nostram Tiarar [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]es [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]e [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]alw: Tiarar nim in capite gestat. De splendenti verò co napumata hoc accipiendum, lib. de Luce Anim de Phoenice exposuimus. VI. De morsu serpentem v nenato, ejusque medicina. Numer. XXI, 6. Serpentes & flatu ignito & morsu ure describit Moyses, quos in poenam mur ranti populo vel creatos, vel, quod verò lius, ex deserto ad vectos immisit scelerum dex. Fusius de his egimus 1. 2, de Luce Bri

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Gallenius stood by, winged, shaking a sleep-bringing wand, and covered with a galero. Likewise Calphurnius, Eccl. 1, de ornite & Coryne ne colonis: Why should we too not succeed to the neighboring shades? Why do we defend with barren ground the scorching shores with the galero? To which the Tiara was not dissimilar, which, in the bright rays and nimbus at Phoenice, the physiologist Epephantius plainly to our mind The Tiara [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]es [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]e [n]o[n] [Ph]o[n]alw: Tiara he indeed bears on his head. But concerning the shining canopumata this is to be understood; in the book de Luce Anim de Phoenice we explained it. VI. Of the bite of the venomous serpent, and its medicine. Numbers XXI, 6. Moses describes serpents, both with fiery breath and biting, which he sent as punishment upon the murmuring people, whether created, or, what is more true, brought from the desert, by the hand of the avenger of crimes. We have treated of these more fully in book 2, de Luce Bri

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 21 nec poenitet crambem hanc recoquere in borum sacrorum serie, quam orsi hoc loco us. Num. XXI, 6. cum de aqua & pane im- uosius obstreperent, misit Dominus in popu- serpentes ignitos, qui mordebant populum. & paulo ad frugem redeunte populo, dixit minus ad Mosen: Fac tibi serpentem ignitum. pone illum super signum, ut omnis, qui est sus, intueatur eum & vivat. v. 8. Ubi uren- serpentes vetus Interpres Venetiis olim editus nonit de iis, qui morsum ardentem infigebant, ue simul toxicum, quod corpus exussit, immit- ant. Serpens autem igneus ille erat, qui uren- serpentem similitudine exprimebat, simili mâ læsa membra sanaturus, eratque æreus no Crucis appensus, ut omnibus esset specta- s, si credimus Interpreti doctissimo, quanquam dò citato v. 8. de æretaceant Legislator solum exprimens; quod ardentem notat serpen- m, sequente tamen v. 9. illius fit mentio. Un- collige ex ære quidem conflatum, sed in flam- e ardentis speciem. Hinc quia flagantis erat num, flagrantes quoque serpentes primos suis- est necesse ut Lyranus & Rabbinorum plerique rba scripturæ, ut sonant, retinentes pro confes- habeant, veras & lethales scintillas igneas, r aëra ex serpentibus missas, summo formidi- s tormento conscias animas terruisse. Quæ oque sententia videtur Legiteri Deuteron. 8. B 3 15. Du-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 21 nor is it a shame to reboil this hash in the series of sacred books, which we have begun in this place. Num. XXI, 6. When they were most noisily clamoring about water and bread, the Lord sent among the people fiery serpents, which bit the people. And when the people had somewhat returned to reason, the Lord said to Moses: Make for yourself a fiery serpent. Set it upon a sign, so that everyone who is bitten may look at it and live. v. 8. Where the burning serpents are concerned, the old interpreter published long ago at Venice speaks of those who inflicted a burning bite, and at the same time imparted the poison which consumed the body. But that fiery serpent was one which, by the likeness of a burning serpent, was to heal the limbs wounded by a similar injury, and it was bronze, hanging upon the wood of the Cross, so that it might be a spectacle for all, if we believe the very learned Interpreter, although in the same cited v. 8, concerning the bronze, the Lawgiver is speaking only of that which denotes the burning serpent; yet in the following v. 9 mention is made of it. From this, gather that it was indeed cast from bronze, but in the appearance of a burning flame. Hence, because the sign was blazing, blazing serpents too first had to be set before them. Therefore it is necessary that Lyranus and most of the Rabbis, keeping the words of Scripture as they sound, have as a confession that they saw real and deadly fiery sparks, or flames sent through the air by serpents, and that these terrified guilty souls with utmost fear and torment. Which opinion also seems to be that of the lawgiver Deuteron. 8. B 3 15. Du-

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15. Ductor tuus fuit in solitudine magna atque tibili, in qua erat serpens adurens, & scorpio ac p[er]sas, & nullæ omnino aquæ. Cui adversa frote repugnat Autor libri, qui sapientiam præfer cap. 11, 18, 19, 20. ubi iter populi exponer DEI misericordiam eonomine præsertim la dibus extollit, quod nec nova animalia, r ignitos serpentes in tormentum miserit: A enim impotens erat omnipotens manus tua immite illis multitudinem ursorum, aut audaces leon aut novi generis ira plenas, aut ignotas bestias, vaporem igneum spirantes, aut fumi odorem prerentes, aut horrendas ab oculis scintillas immittes, quarum non solum læsura poterat illos externare, sed & aspectas per timorem occidere. Quidem Autor in majus pio Zelo opera Iehovah extulit, qvum Salomon non fuerit, sed, Hicronymo, Phylo Iudæus, unde & Libri hunc ignorant Hebræorum volumina, & ter Pseudographos numerat idem E. Hieromus. Sane ubique ardentis flammæ gura. Unde Seraphim, de quibus Esaiæ Et vocavit ad me unus de Seraphim, & in me ejus carbo ignitus, quem forcipe tullerat de alt Unum hunc de Seraphim aliqua Divinitatis ce os illustre monstrasse, dicit R. Ionathan, vumque sedis gloriæ fuisse, quæ in cælo suj altare sit. Sed Ioannes Bustamantinus ap Complutenses Doctor lib. 2. c. 2. de Rept. contrarium Moysis Salomonisque sensum luturus, Salomonem de serpentibus igni

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15. Your guide was in the great and terrible wilderness, in which there was a burning serpent, and a scorpion and snakes, and absolutely no water. Against this, the author of the book that extols wisdom strongly opposes, in chapters 11, 18, 19, and 20, where, setting forth the journey of the people, he especially magnifies the mercy of God, saying that He did not even send new animals or fiery serpents for their punishment: for was Your all-powerful hand unable to send upon them a multitude of bears, or bold lions, or beasts of a new kind full of rage, or unknown creatures breathing a fiery vapor, or creatures exhaling the smell of smoke, or terrifying flashes darting from their eyes, whose mere sight could not only wound them but even kill them through fear? Certainly the author, in greater pious zeal, exalted the works of Jehovah, since it was not Solomon, but, according to Jerome, Philo the Jew; and therefore the Hebrews are ignorant of this book, and Jerome himself counts it among the pseudepigrapha. Truly, everywhere there is the figure of the burning flame. Hence the Seraphim, of whom Isaiah says, “And one of the Seraphim flew to me,” and in whose hand was the burning coal which he had taken from the altar. R. Jonathan says that this one of the Seraphim showed some sign of divinity, and that he was from the seat of glory which is in heaven above its altar. But John Bustamante, in opposition to the sense of Moses and Solomon, in book 2, chapter 2, on reptiles, wishing to follow the contrary interpretation, takes Solomon as speaking of fiery serpents.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 23 ternis spirantibus, aut ab oculis emittens egisse fatetur; non tamen obstante, quin qui serpentes ab effectu alio igniti accende- aërem, & inflammarint oris sustantis ar- e. Nempe ignitos vocandos, quia po- tius igne, veneno causticæ & pyroticæ na- t e utere possint, & comburere tandem in- dio & æstu, ut febris ignis vocantur, & is sacer, Erysipelas, quod effectus ignis e- nt. Tales forte essent seps & salpinga ser- tes, de quibus Isidorus libro laudato, aliique, omninò communis foret is omnium vene- orum effectus. De morsu tamen solo extant p[er]turæ loco Sap. 16. 5. ubi morsibus perver- um colubrorum exterminati dicuntur, pa- ne fato 1. Cor. 10. 9. à serpentibus perisse de & Rabbi Salomon interpretatur, combu- s fuisse eo tempore homines veneno den- m illorum, quo sententiæ flexu capiendum oque videtur, quod Esaiæ 14. 29. dictum: radice colubri egredietur regulus, & fructus ejus vensignitus volans. Ad quem locum notat Ionathan, ex nepote proditurum unctum, us opera in vobis (sc, Philistæis) erunt, sicut pentis volantis, hoc est exitia, quod in- echia impletum 2. Reg. 18. Coluber autem pens esse debet, ut in origine est [mercur]ij provi- ra substituendus ex eadem Basiliscus, quem bræorum Magistri [mercur]ij nuncupant; [mercur]ij au- m rectè Osiander Ignitum vertit, per Ana- giam verò effectus absorbentem appellavit B 4 vul-

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Of biblical diseases. 23 whether with hissing mouths, or by emitting from their eyes, he confesses to have acted; nevertheless, this does not prevent serpents from being kindled by another effect, and from inflaming the air and the breath of the one sustaining them. Certainly they are to be called fiery, because they can rather use fire by means of a venom of a caustic and pyrotic nature, and at last burn up by venom and heat; thus fevers are called fire, and sacred fire, erysipelas, because they are effects of fire. Such perhaps were the seps and salpinga serpents, of which Isidore in the aforesaid book and others write, and quite generally this would be the effect of all venoms. Yet concerning the bite alone there are clear passages, as in Wisdom 16:5, where those exterminated by the bites of perverse serpents are said to have died, and in 1 Corinthians 10:9, where it is said that some perished by serpents; and Rabbi Solomon interprets it as meaning that men at that time were consumed by the venom of those serpents, which interpretation seems to fit the sense. Also that passage in Isaiah 14:29 appears to be in point: “From the root of the serpent shall come forth a basilisk, and his fruit shall be a flying fiery serpent.” On this passage Jonathan notes that an anointed one will come forth from his descendant, and his works among you (namely, the Philistines) will be like the venom of a flying serpent, that is, destructive, which was fulfilled in Hezekiah 2 Kings 18. The serpent, however, ought to be understood as fiery, as it is in the original [mercur]ij by Providence; and in place of it the basilisk, which the teachers of the Hebrews call [mercur]ij, is to be substituted. But [mercur]ij Osiander rightly rendered as “fiery,” whereas by analogy he called the effect “absorbing” B 4 vul-

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vulgatus Bibliorum Interpres: sed quo jure Leon Mutinensis in Lexico Rabbinico ap[ud] Esaiam per Tigridem exposuerit, ipse Doctissimus non moneat. Cæterum hæc, ut dixi, ex ventu ignito interpretatio, omnes ex æquo se pentes in populum immissis monstrat, nec certum genus restringit, quod alii felicius agressi sunt. De viperæ enim specie, quæ vocatur, accipit Paulus Eborus, cui ab nomen, quod sitim iis, quos fauciat, & ver no suo imbut, exirare soleat inexplebilem, qu velut ardenti flamma, altiora viscera utuntur Verum parum ad rem præsentem hæc conjectra, cum expresse dipsas ab illo, qui flatu adussit Deuter 8. distingvatur; nec sitis ulla populum quamvis antea ex more lamentantem, vexab quam tantam dipsas inferre solet, ut, teste Galil lib. 11. simpl. Med. c. 2. & Nicandro in Theriaca prius onere potus dirumpantur læsi, quam à liberentur. Nec nomen viperæ convenit, natura. Non illud, quod nusquam viper accommodat[ur]; quidem illi in Esaij jun tur, sed malè per viperam reddidit Interp quia Basilisci est notio. Nec hæc, quam unu oviparum sit animal, viviparum alterum, p[er] vaque similitudine ad se accedant apud Gal num. Nuper Samuel Bochardus, Vir Eru tionis profundæ part. 2. de Animal. sacr. scri lib. 3. cap. 13. verosimile judicat, seraph est hydrum vel chersydrum, quanquam hydru

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The interpreter of the Bible in the Vulgate; but by what right Leon of Modena in the Rabbinic Lexicon, at Isaiah, should have explained it by "the Tigris," the very learned man does not inform us. Moreover, this interpretation, as I said, as from a fiery blast, shows all the serpents sent upon the people alike, and does not restrict the term to any particular species, though others have more successfully attempted this. For Paul of Eborus takes it to be a kind of viper, which is so called because it is accustomed to cause an unquenchable thirst in those it bites, and to inflame them with its venom, as though with a burning flame, so that it attacks the inward parts. But these conjectures are of little relevance to the present matter, since dipsas is expressly distinguished from that which, with its breath, scorched Deuteronomy 8; nor does any thirst afflict the people, however much they may have lamented before in their usual fashion, such as the dipsas is said to bring, so that, as Galen testifies, lib. 11, simpl. Med. c. 2, and Nicander in the Theriaca, those bitten burst before the burden of drink can free them. Nor does the name of viper fit the nature. Not that which nowhere is applied to a viper; indeed they join it with Isaiah, but the Interpreter has badly rendered it by "viper," because it is the notion of the basilisk. Nor does this fit, since the one animal is oviparous, the other viviparous, and by reason of a certain likeness they come near to one another in Galen. Recently Samuel Bochart, a man of deep learning, in part 2 of De Animalibus sacris, wrote in book 3, chapter 13, that it is probable that the seraph is a hydrus or chersydrus, although the hydrus...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 25 uosis locis nascatur & educetur, qualibus ca- t desertum Israëlitarum; potuisse tamen a- nde à DEO immitti & accersiri. Pressius n tangit fortunatissimus in mysteriis vetere- m indagandis Fortunius Licetus, qui lib.3. De ont. Viv. Ortu cap.11. Dracunculos ex cor- ribus Hebræorum morosorum poena divina ortos credit, eosque adeo malignos divinat, eorundem membra crudeliter eroserint, ero- inflammarint, inflammata dolore vexarint, effectu denique morboso ignei denomina- nem traxerint Hoc morbi genus inter Ori- tales populos sæpe grassatum, ut tanto Viro ma constet autoritas, ex Plutarcho docemur, ex Agatarchidis mente hîc lib.8. sympos. uæst.9. loquitur: Maris rubri incolæ affectio- us novis & nunquam auditis tentati sunt, nam racunculi quidam parvi crura & brachia eden- eruperunt, qui si tangebantur, statim emer- bant, atque musculis infixi minimè tolerabi- inflammationes pariebant; hoc morbi genus ius nemo vidit unquam; neque posterius aliis si his solis, contigit, ut alia multa. Consentit Etuarius lib.4. Meth. Med. cap.16. in regioni- us supra Ægyptum potissimum provenire, racunculos. Sed Galenus lib.6. de Loc. Aff. 3. alterius ad Arabiæ loca refert, & Actius Te- ab.4. Serm.2. cap.85. in Æthiopia collocat ac dia, à quibus hodie Lusitanis, qui Æquato- m peragrarunt, innotuit hæc morbi pestis, bi frequentiori noxa homines afflari, narra- B 5 Vit

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 25 in loathsome places it may be born and bred, such as the desert of the Israelites; yet it could nevertheless be sent and summoned by God. Fortunius Licetus, most fortunate in investigating the mysteries of antiquity, touches this point more closely, who in lib. 3, De Orth. Viv. Ortu, cap. 11, believes that dracunculi arose from the moral faults of the Hebrews by divine punishment, and divines them to have been so malignant that they cruelly gnawed their limbs, inflamed them, tormented the inflamed parts with pain, and finally, by their morbid effect, drew the name of fiery disease from this. That this kind of disease often raged among the Eastern peoples we are taught by Plutarch, so that the authority of so great a man may be clear; and, according to the opinion of Agatharchides, he speaks here in lib. 8, Sympos. Quaest. 9: “The inhabitants of the Red Sea were afflicted with new and unheard-of ailments, for certain small dracunculi broke out, eating through the legs and arms; if they were touched, they at once came forth, and, fixed in the muscles, produced utterly unbearable inflammations; this kind of disease no one had ever seen before, nor afterward did it happen to others, except to these alone, as happens with many other things.” Aetius agrees, lib. 4, Meth. Med., cap. 16, that in regions above Egypt, especially dracunculi occur. But Galen, lib. 6, De Loc. Aff., cap. 3, refers it to the places of Arabia, and Aetius, Tet. 4, Serm. 2, cap. 85, places it in Ethiopia and Media; from these regions today the Portuguese, who have travelled through the Equator, have made this pestilence of the disease known, reporting that men are afflicted by a more frequent harm. B 5 Vit

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TH. BARTHOLINI vit mihi eorum locorum gnarus Samuel Chabbi Hebræus Venetus, Medicusque scripto de Venæ Sectione clarus. In Insula Ormuz ac curatè depingit Joh. Hago Linseboten cap. 6. Itinerarii. Unde & ab Æquatore reversi Europæi subinde ingratas has merces secum vexerunt, quas in nauta Belgico vidit olim Experientissimus Joh. Rhodius nostras, ex India reduce, cui sura manifestè verminabant. Malè autem ex levi inter utramque affectionem forsan diversitate, quæ vel nulla ex Plutarchi Moyseque apparet, vel admodum exitis, diversum hunc maris rubri morbum ab illo, Israëlitas invaserant, contra Licetum indum Ezechiel Castrensis. In minima quipperen rarò ludunt tam Natura, quam Morbus, eadem facie vix ullum aggreditur. Scrupulum tamen injiciunt Galenus, Aetius, reliquique ad testimonium antea citati, qui pueris feret tantum usitatum hoc morbi genus probare nec ullum molestiæ aut doloris sensum intere, nisi abrumpantur. Saniores autem erat Hebræi, & Tormenta experti sunt vehementissima. Sed nihil ad nos hæc à suscepta opinione dimovent. Quippe puerili ut plurimu[m] ætati familiares dracunculos concedo, proportiori rationes, non tamen invisos, ur experientia posterorum persvademur, præsertim quando Naturæ defectum Deum vindex scelerum supplevit. Nec exilitas vermium ostat, quæ indifferens; aliquando enim quoqu[m] m

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TH. BARTHOLINI I had as a witness of those places Samuel Chabbi, a Hebrew of Venice, and a physician famous in writing on venesection. In the island of Ormuz, and accurately depicted by Joh. Hago Linseboten, cap. 6 of the Itinerary. Whence, having returned from the Equator, the Europeans afterward brought these unpleasant wares with them, which the most experienced Joh. Rhodius once saw in a Belgian sailor, returning from India, whose calf was visibly infested with worms. But badly, from some slight difference between the two affections, which appears either none at all from Plutarch and Moses, or very slight, this disease of the Red Sea is distinguished from that which had invaded the Israelites, contrary to Licetus’s Indian [view], Ezechiel Castrensis. For in the smallest things indeed both Nature and Disease rarely play; it scarcely attacks any one with the same appearance. Yet Galen, Aetius, and the rest cited earlier as witnesses, raise a difficulty, since they claim that this kind of disease used to be common among children, and that they felt no sense of annoyance or pain, unless they were torn away. But the Hebrews were healthier, and suffered the most violent torments. But these things do not move us from the opinion we have adopted. For I allow little worms as a rule to be familiar to childhood, for reasons more fitting, though not therefore unwelcome, as we are persuaded by later experience, especially when God, the avenger of crimes, supplied Nature’s defect. Nor does the smallness of the worms stand in the way, since that is indifferent; for sometimes also in some way

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 27 majores fuerunt apud Actium, & lumbricis la- ventris assimilati à Galeno, Actio & Actureo. ormenta primo affectionis tempore parva, nt, at ubi inveteraverint Dracunculi, vivescit cus & supputatur, teste Actio. Ut credere n possim innervosa musculorum parte do- res abfuisset; nervosos enim appellat Ga- lus & ex Sorano Paulus Æginera affert, nil es- præter nervi alicujus concretionem. Un- excitatur inflammatio sensibilis partis, & lor urgentissimus, maximo actus momen- si Jehova pondus adjecerit. Ubi notanda arissimi Viri Lazari Meyssoreni conjectura, i venarum quoddam esse excrementum picatur cap. 8. Morb. Nov. si quidem Dra- nculi sint, quos à setis les Soyes Narbonen- s appellant. Ea quoque ferè Para fuit opi- o lib. 7. c. 21. à sangvinis fervore deducentis. aëre nocturno seu rore contrahi in Itinera- suo nuperrimè Gallus quidam Anonymus edit. Tandem igniti vocabulum multis ex fectu attribui novius est, quam ut demon- em: eo enim ad clypeum fortium utitur, abum. 2. 3. idemque sermoni DEI Proverb. 10. & Psalm. 119. v. 140. Plura de his dixi quam era veram. Amore tamen Iesu mei pen- implevi, cujus crucem & merita serpens eus in eremo suspensus præfiguravit, sicut i- e servator nos docuit, & repetit Tertullianus adv. Iud. & lib. 3. contr. Marc. VII.

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 27 were greater among the people at Actium, and, as Galen says, assimilated to intestinal worms by Actius and Actureus. In the beginning of the affection the pains are slight; but when the Dracunculi have become chronic, the skin becomes lively and is raised, as Actius testifies. Nor can I believe that pain would have been absent in the innervated part of the muscles; for Galen calls them nervous, and Paulus Aegineta, citing Soranus, says that nothing else is there except the congealing of some nerve. Then inflammation of the sensitive part is aroused, and a most intense pain, at the very moment when Jehovah has added the burden. Here must be noted the conjecture of the most distinguished man Lazarus Meyssorenus, who supposes that it is some excrement of the veins, as he speculates in chapter 8 of Morb. Nov., if indeed they are Dracunculi, which the Narbonnese call "les Soyes." That was also almost Paraeus’s opinion, in book 7, chapter 21, deriving them from the heat of the blood. A certain anonymous Frenchman recently advanced the opinion in the Itinerarium that they are contracted from the nocturnal air or dew. Finally, the term "igniti" is attributed by many to the effect, a view more recent than can be demonstrated; for it is used of the shield of the brave man, Job 2:3, and likewise in the speech of God, Proverbs 10 and Psalm 119, verse 140. I have said more about these things than perhaps was true. Yet with the love of my Jesus I have filled the measure, whose cross and merits the serpent suspended in the desert prefigured, as the Savior himself taught us, and as Tertullian repeats in Against the Jews and in book 3 against Marcion. VII.

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VII. Jobi morbus excutitur, ex Job. 2. Anxietatem seu tædium sui, quod fere mitari solet febres, quas Hippocrates l. 4. cut. 5. dowdes appellat, præter alios morbos, huisse Jobum patientissimum Stephani Roder[us] Castrensis est commentum lib. 2. Quæ ex quib[us] c. 21. Ita quippe ipse Job. c. 10. tædet anima meam vitæ meæ. Non improbo eruditi viri con jeduram, sed tædium hoc seu antiquitatem ex principio advocarim. Antequam sententiam meam aperiam, aliorum sunt expendendæ. primis se offert Ioannes de Pineda Soc. Iesu Theologus, qui Comm. in Job. c. 2. 7. 8. omnia ferè morborum externorum & inter norum genera recenset, & Jobo applicat. In quod mireris, sect. 5. laborasse quoque lue Ver cea cum Vatablo probat, quem sequitur Cypru nus Cisterciensis. Paradoxum Vatabli ration confirmat, nam ex Medicorum judicio is affectu contagiolus cum ulcere, aut immani cruciatu, riis locis emergit, ac sæpe extuberat, in corpus mne spargitur, & non solum carnem, sed par etiam solidas pervagatur, universamqve poris substantiam pervertit. Hoc vero me bo foedissimo, qui cum scortatorum & turp sim

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VII. Job’s disease is set forth, from Job 2. The anxiety or weariness of himself, which is wont to accompany fevers, which Hippocrates, book 4, section 5, dowdes calls, besides other diseases, was Job the most patient, as Stephen Roderus of Castrensis has made a conjecture, book 2, Quae ex quibus, c. 21. For thus Job himself, c. 10, “my soul is weary of my life.” I do not disapprove the conjecture of that learned man, but I would refer this weariness, or antiquity, from the beginning. Before I open my own opinion, others are to be weighed. First appears Johannes de Pineda, a theologian of the Society of Jesus, who in his Commentary on Job, c. 2, 7, 8, recounts almost all kinds of external and internal diseases, and applies them to Job. In this you may wonder, section 5, he also proves that he labored under the plague of Vercea together with Vatablus, whom Cyprian of Cistercium follows. He confirms Vatablus’s paradox by reasoning, for according to the judgment of physicians this contagious affection, with ulcer or terrible torment, appears in certain places and often swells up, is spread throughout the whole body, and does not only pass through the flesh, but also the solid parts, and overturns the entire substance of the body. But by this most foul disease, which with harlots and the disgraceful...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 19 norum hominum flagellum sit, Satan voluit rum honestissimum, ignominiosè afficere. quidem se optimo Castissimoque Viro Pi- la ratiocinatur, præter rationem divinæ ulgentiæ, quæ ad honesta se extendit, ignominiosa membrorum genera. Castus erat Vir sanctissimus, nec ullâ pravâ concu- centiâ aut illicitâ, meruit sinistram famam. eque isto Iobi seculo turpissimum hoc morbi nus inter mortales innotuit. Quippe loco il- Hippoeratis 3. Epid. sect. 3. quem Vallesius & usnerus pro antiquitate hujus lucis afferunt, silentiam longè gravissimam describi rectè m Galeno aliisque Interpretibus defendit di- entissimus Sennertus l. 6. Prax. part. 4. c. 1. ex toriæ evidentia. Nam morbus ille utpluri- um cum febre invasit, quod non accidit in e Venerea; & fuit epidemius, cum lues Ve- rea saltem per contagium, & nullo alio modo erit disseminata; longè etiam alia ratio mor- illius, quam lues Venereæ curandæ fuerit. udet tamen Pineda de Iobo affirmare potuis- hoc morbo laborare, nam Daemonis arte potuit ejusmodi intemperiem adduci, ut in malignam ius morbi naturam humores degenerarent. d nimium audax est Pineda. Daemon ea erit solertia, ut humores ad illam intempe- em flecteret, quam ejus naturæ & constitutioni ongruam scibat. At malignitas hæc quæ spur- um contagium sapit, prorsus aliena erat ab humo-

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 19 Since it is the scourge of lewd men, Satan wished to afflict even the most honorable man disgracefully. Indeed, he reasons that a most good and most chaste man was affected, beyond the order of divine providence, which extends itself to honorable things, with disgraceful diseases of the members. A chaste man, most holy, and deserving of no evil lust or illicit desire, deserved no sinister reputation. And in that age of Job, this most shameful disease became known among mortals. For in the place of Il- Hippoerates, 3. Epid. sect. 3, which Valesius and usnerus cite for the antiquity of this disease, that there is described a very serious silence is rightly defended by the most learned Sennertus, l. 6. Prax. part. 4. c. 1, from the evidence of history. For that disease most often attacked with fever, which does not happen in the Venereal disease; and it was epidemic, whereas the Venereal plague was spread at least by contagion, and in no other way; there was also a far different way of treating that disease than would have been for the Venereal plague. Nevertheless Pineda could not have affirmed about Job that he labored under this disease, for by the art of a Demon such an intemperate condition could have been brought about, so that the humors degenerated into the malignant nature of that disease. But Pineda is too bold. The Demon used such skill that he would bend the humors toward that intemperance which he knew to be in harmony with its nature and constitution. But this malignity, which savors of foul contagion, was entirely foreign to the humors...

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humoribus Iobi, à temperie Iobi castâ. Torquet se Pineda & præter historiæ omnis fide[m] asserit, (ut Iobo ægrè sit,) nunquam non ali cubi gentium eum morbum semper pervagatum fuisse. Manus victas dabimus, si id probaverit. Medicorum confessionem pro se adducit, statuentium à contagio fieri: Nam v[erò] abeundum in infinitum, ita ut nunquam incipisse deprehendatur; vel sine contagio fieri posse, disturbatis humoribus & ad insignem intemperiem adductis. Cæterum intemperie ista maligna non oritur, neque orta usquam observata sine contagio à mulieris congressu. Fatetur ipse incepisse luem in Valentia, qui tempore Carolus Franciæ Rex expeditione Italicam parabat cum elephantiosus quidam nobilis miles ad nobile scortum accedere quicunque igitur deinde ad mulierem ingressunt, eo malo infectos fuisse, elephantiosi in illud degenerante. At nobilis ille miles Hispanus ex India Occidentali id malum secum cum Columbo asportavit 1494. deinde in obdione Neapolitana cum Hispani ob annon caritatem multitudinem inutilem urbe pellarent, Galli scorta eorum pulchritudine alleclam exceperunt, & ita eorum contagio infecti hunc morbum contraxerunt & per Europam disseminarunt. Ita narrat Fallopius Tum. c. 34. ubi contra Leonicenum disputat morbum hunc nec ab astris deductum, nec aëre illuvione Tiberistum infecto, nec den

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from the humors of Job, from the pure temperance of Job. Pineda twists himself and, contrary to all historical truth, asserts, as though it were bad for Job, that this disease had always and everywhere been prevalent among other peoples. We shall yield the palm, if he proves it. He adduces the confession of physicians in his favor, namely that it arises from contagion: for truly one would have to go on to infinity, so that it could never be discovered to have begun; or else it could be produced without contagion, the humors being disordered and brought into notable intemperance. Moreover, that malignant intemperance does not arise, nor has it anywhere been observed to arise, without contagion from intercourse with a woman. He himself admits that the plague began in Valencia, when, in the time of King Charles of France, while he was preparing the Italian expedition, a certain leprous noble knight approached a noble courtesan; and thereafter all who entered into women were infected with that evil, leprosy degenerating into it. But that noble Spanish knight brought that evil with him from the West Indies together with Columbus in 1494. Then, during the siege of Naples, when the Spaniards, because of the dearth of provisions, were driving the useless multitude out of the city, the French received their courtesans, lured by their beauty, and thus, infected by their contagion, contracted this disease and spread it throughout Europe. So Fallopius relates, Vol. c. 34, where he argues against Leonicenus that this disease was brought neither down from the stars, nor from the air infected by the overflow of the Tiber, nor by any...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 31 e esse Epidemicum. Quanquam Empiricus lib. 1. Capric. Medicinal. c. à mortuorum hominum carnibus, cibo- penuriâ tam ab obsessis quam obsidenti- s Neapoli comestis, originem luis derivet: men ad eluendam vel excusandam gentis i- ominiam id sinxisse credo. Quæ si vera o- p, non miramur, quod Indis anthropopha- familiaris antea fuerit. Non id tamen cre- . Sed unde apud Indos originem traxit, quia contagium defendimus, Pinedæ satis damus? A DEO libidinis vindice immissum, bitare non possumus. Id verò Jobi ævo rum, nemo idonea authoritate dixerit, po- rioribus seculis futurum Daemon divinare potuit, uti in Jobo affligendo præverteret vi morbi inductione divinam vindictam. rius concludit Pineda, Jobi elephantiasin n n longè ab ista lue abfuisse, sed male jungit monis sævitiam in illa elephantiasis muta- ne procuranda. Rectius voluntatem di- et, si morbi istius ullam præcognitionem puisset. Cæterum elephantiasin Jobo ple- ue affricant, etiam Sennertus 1. 5. Part. 1. c 40. similem faciunt Lazarum Luc. 16. Negari n potest in Palestina familiarem illam sca- em fuisse. Etiam in Ægypto vicina. Ita im Lucret. 1. 6. Est elephas morbus qui Nili flumina propter Gigni

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 31 and to be epidemic. Although Empiricus, book 1, Capric. Medicinal. c. from the flesh of dead men, as food consumed at Naples by both the besieged and the besieg- ers in a shortage, I believe he invented it to wash away or excuse the shame of the nation. If these things are true, we are not surprised that among the Indians anthropophagy had previously been familiar. Yet I do not believe this. But whence did it take its origin among the Indians? Since we defend contagion, do we give too much to Pineda? That it was sent by GOD, avenger of lust, we cannot doubt. But whether in the age of Job no one has said so with adequate authority, nor could the Demon, in earlier ages, foresee the future, so as in afflicting Job to forestall divine punishment by the induction of disease. Pineda therefore concludes rather that Job's elephantiasis was not far from this plague, but he wrongly joins the savagery of demons in the mutation of that elephantiasis to be inflicted. They more rightly will the will of God, and if the disease had had any foreknowledge of this kind, it would have been able to anticipate it. Besides, they also ascribe elephantiasis to Job; and Sennertus, book 1, part 5, c. 40, make Lazarus of Luke 16 similar to it. It cannot be denied that in Palestine that familiar scab was common. Also in neighboring Egypt. Thus too in Lucretius, book 6: It is the elephant disease, which is born near the waters of the Nile

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Gignitur Ægypto in media, neque prætere usquam Atthide tentantur gressus, oculique Achæis Finibus. Ea notæ Elephantiæ apprimè conveniunt à Celso recensitæ lib. 3. c. 13: Totum corpus a ficitur, ita ut ossa quoque vitiari dicantur: summa pars corporis crebras maculas crebrosque mores habet: rubor harum paulatim in atrum colorem convertitur. Summa cutis inæqualia crassa, tenuis, dura, mollisque, quasi squam quibusdam exasperatur, corpus emacrescit, jara, pedes intumescunt. Ubi vetus morbus digit in manibus, pedibusque sub tumore conditur, febricula oritur, quæ facile tot malis obso tum hominem consumit. Passim de his symp matibus conqueritur Jobus. Denigratam cut deplorat c. 30, 30. cutis duritiem & asperitatem c. 16, 10. & cætera quæ singulis paginis legunt Ad squamas & pruritum testâ utebatur, qu fictionem ungvibus perficere non potuit, qu in elephantia commendat Celsus l. c. Inepti nimirant ungves, quia digitis sub tumore c duntur in ista scabie. Difficultas tamen nos moratur, quod ulcus vocetur Jobi morbus. verè Coccejus in Comm. Job: certum gen ulceris hic definire, esse vaticinari scribit est inter plagas Ægypti, quam & Israëlitis co mina

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It is produced in central Egypt, and nowhere else; nor are footsteps tried in Attica, nor eyes in Achaean lands. These signs agree very well with elephantiasis, as set out by Celsus, book 3, chapter 13: the whole body is affected, so that even the bones are said to be diseased; the upper part of the body is covered with frequent spots and eruptions, and the redness of these gradually turns to a black color. The skin on the surface becomes uneven, thick, thin, hard, and soft, roughened as if with certain scales; the body wastes away, the joints swell, and the feet become swollen. When the old disease has taken hold in the hands and feet beneath the swelling, a slight fever arises, which easily consumes a man already worn out by so many evils. Job complains everywhere of these symptoms. He laments the blackened skin in chapter 30, verse 30, the hardness and roughness of the skin in chapter 16, verse 10, and the other things found on every page. For the scales and itching he used a potsherd, since he could not carry out the scratching with his nails, which Celsus recommends in elephantiasis, loc. cit. The nails are of no use, because in this scab the fingers are buried under the swelling. A difficulty, however, remains for us, namely, that Job’s disease is called a sore. Yet Coccejus, in his Commentary on Job, truly writes that a certain kind of ulcer is here to be defined, and that this is to be understood as a prophetic reference to one of the plagues of Egypt, which was also threatening the Israelites.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 3 natur Deut. 28, 27. 35. At quo modo ulce- sine insigni & dolore & symptomatis malo tâ radi possint, non video. Sine dubio pro vis tumore & scabie pustulisque ulcus hic ti piendum. Ita lata significatione vulnera cavit Cyprianus ferm. De bono patient: Ac- vit vulnerum vastitas & tabescentes ac defuentes us vermium quoque edax poena consumit. Ni- frequenti asperoque testæ rudioris contactu ulcus degenera verit scabies ista, quod ex- contingere observamus. Quid si de Ul- te fyriaco cogitemus? Ulcera tonsillarum aligna Ægyptiaca & Syriaca appellata descri- accuratè Aretæus lib. 1. de Caus. & sign. Acut. orb. c. 9. cujus verba per interpretem Iunium culum Crassum, quem sequitur Henischius, re- temus, ut conspectior fiat ulceris hujus cum cere Iobi affinitas: Dolor quidem acer, & cali- s, qualis in carbunculo, spiritus vitiatus: Exha- ut enim maximæ putredinis odorem, eundemque hementer in pectus spirando adducunt. Im- endi adeo sunt ut neq[ue] suum ipsorum odorem fer- queant. Pallida bis seu livida facies, febres utæ, sitis, ut igne accensi videantur, potum veriti lores non admittunt. Tristantur enim cum ton- æ comprimuntur, aut potus innares resilit, qvum- e decumbunt, surgunt ut sedeant, decubitum non rentes, quod si sedeat, quiete earentes, iterum de- mbere coguntur; plerumque antem recti stantes ambulant: Nam quiescere nequeunt. Solitu- rem fugiunt, dolorem dolore tollere tentantet. in- G spira-

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Of Biblical diseases. 3 nature, Deut. 28:27, 35. But in what way they can be healed without remarkable pain and the evil symptom of the ulcer, I do not see. Without doubt this ulcer ought to be understood from the swelling and scab and pustules of the plague. Thus Cyprian, in a broad sense, called wounds sores: the devastation of wounds, and the wasting away and putrefaction of those consumed by worms, also eats up with punishment. By frequent rough contact with a harsher sort of shell, that scab may degenerate into an ulcer, which we observe to happen. What if we think of the Syrian ulcer? The ulcers of the tonsils, called Egyptian and Syrian, are described accurately by Aretaeus, book 1, On the Causes and Signs of Acute Diseases, chapter 9, whose words, through the interpreter Junius, with the crude reading followed by Henischius, let us set out, so that the likeness of this ulcer to that of Job may be more clearly seen: “Indeed the pain is sharp, and burning, as in a carbuncle; the spirit is corrupted. For they breathe out the odor of the greatest putrefaction, and draw the same deeply into the chest by breathing. They are so distressed that they cannot bear even their own smell. The face is pale or livid, fevers acute, thirst, as if they were set on fire, and they avoid drink. For they are sad when the tonsils are compressed, or when the drink rebounds back into the nostrils; and when they lie down they rise in order to sit, unable to endure lying down; and if they sit, lacking rest, they are again forced to lie down; but for the most part they walk upright standing, for they cannot rest. They flee solitude, and try to remove pain by pain.” In- G inspira-

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TH. BARTHOLINI spiratio magna est, exspiratio verò parva. num 2 lucigne exusta ulcera cum sint, à calido præter spiritu incenduntur Raucitas adest: Vox nihil sig ficat. Atque hæc in pejus ruunt, qvum subite teram collapsis anima deficit. Singula symp mata accuratius conferenti patebit Jobi ulc Ægypti & Syriæ ulcera vocantur, quia ibi fu quentia. Jobus Idumæus erat, teste B. Augu no 1. 13. de Civit. DEI c. 47. & Syriæ pars est U ut R. Salomon autor est, in qua degebat Job. S nanchin habuisse ipse querulus fidem fecit, cu quasi laqueo, tumore faucium halitum interc dente, strangularetur. Ita & censet Philippus Beda, quos sequitur Pineda. Febri torrebat qua omnia ossa arefacta. Ulcus ipsum Calore dicitur monente Mariane. Sahaner Chaldæis calefacere 3. Reg. 1. 1. Inquietus animo & corpore, sicut apud Hippocratem 5. pid. Parmeniscus, qui adeò sui tædio tenebatur cuperet è vita discedere, cui similis alter cui pi greslu temporis advenit per Cæsud[us] seu jactu corporis, quod chariti 7. Epid. accidit, quæ In gula rejiciebat. Dolorem autem ulceris, de re testæ mulciebat Job. Ne verò credamus sillarum solum esse vitium, primo cerebri qui que regionem incusat M. Aur. Severinus in danchone. Cui svasioni favet anatome comp rium corporum vi morbi hujus, qui in Ca bria & Sicilia grassabatur Anno seculi curre 18. enectorum in quorum capitibus ex se rep

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TH. BARTHOLINI A strong inhalation is present, but the exhalation is weak. num. 2 Since the ulcers are burned with a bright heat, they are inflamed by the hot spirit. Hoarseness is present: the voice signifies nothing. And these things grow worse, when suddenly, the body having collapsed, the breath fails. To one who compares the individual symptoms more carefully, it will be evident that Job’s ulcers are called ulcers of Egypt and Syria, because they were frequent there. Job was an Idumaean, as St. Augustine testifies, in book 13, chapter 47, of the City of God; and Syria is part of Idumaea, as Rabbi Solomon says, in which Job lived. That he had a sanchin, he himself made clear by his complaint, as though he were strangled like by a noose, with the swelling of the throat obstructing the breath. So too thinks Philip, Bede, and after them Pineda. A fever scorched him so that all the bones were dried up. The ulcer itself is called by the term “heat,” as Mariane notes. In Chaldean, “to heat” is said as in 3 Kings 1:1. Restless in mind and body, as in Hippocrates, 5 Epid. Parmeniscus, who was held in such weariness of himself that he desired to depart from life, like another similar case in whom, when the time of crisis came, by Caesus[?] or through the throwing off of the body, which happened in chariti 7 Epid., the throat was rejecting. But Job soothed the pain of the ulcer, of the neck itself with a shard. Yet lest we think it was only a disease of the lungs, M. Aur. Severinus also first accuses the region of the brain in his Danchon. This view is supported by the anatomy of bodies taken by this disease, which was raging in Cambria and Sicily in the year of the century, in the heads of the dead, in whom from the top of the head the...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 35 verti grumi sangvinis lato schemate diffusi sub ximos sinus membranæ crassioris, unde hæ- rrhagia narium in plurimis successit. Nec immune est, venenosis halitibus cum pulmo- infectum, nec ventricuius labem effugit, qui cepta sanie per oesophagum inquietatus, ut na- alibus actionibus defungi nequeat, hinc ad iversus corpus ulcerosa dispositio manat, lmonibus ulceracacoethe infligi in Infirmio- m Hospicio per anatomicam sectionem ob- vavit Panormi Marc. Anton. Alymus in Con- t. de Ulc. syriaco pag. 59. Alios idem ma- indies consumptos vidit, quia appetere non terant nec absumptam ciborum parsimoniam gere, qui in maximas ventriculi angustias in- dentes, multos lumbricos evomebant, post orum mortem ventriculi fundum ulceratum invenit. Tales sanè vermes in Jobo quoque prianus supra laudatus agnovit. Cerebrum utur, gula, cor & ventriculus ulceribus mali- nis in Syria grassantibus cum infecti fuerint, on mirum difficillima symptomaa enata, quæ assim in morboso Jobi statu recensentur. Il- ustrat argumentum hoc ipsa curatio per cine- m. Sedebat enim ulcerosus Vir in cinere, & edelæ gratia & humilitatis indicio. Epher nis, pulvis, locus nempe poenitentiæ Ion. 3. i- sa Jobi confessione c. 41, 3. 6. Insipienter locutus am, idcirco ago poenitentiam in favilla & cine- e. LXX. Interpretes non pæ reddunt, quos seqvu- C 2

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On Biblical Diseases. 35 Clotted masses of blood, spread out in a broad form beneath the nearest sinuses of the thicker membrane, whence epistaxis in most cases followed. Nor is the lung immune, infected by poisonous exhalations; nor does the stomach escape the damage, which, troubled by the ingested pus through the oesophagus, cannot discharge its natural functions. Hence an ulcerous disposition spreads through the whole body. Marcus Antonius Alymus, in Palermo, observed by anatomical dissection in the Infirmary Hospice that an ulcerous affection was inflicted on the lungs, in Cont. de Ulc. syriaco, p. 59. He saw others consumed day by day, because they were unable to eat, nor could they bear the meagre allowance of food; those who, driven into the greatest narrowness of the stomach, vomited up many worms, he found after their death to have an ulcerated fundus of the stomach. Such worms indeed Cyprian, cited above, also recognized in Job. The brain, throat, heart, and stomach are affected with ulcers when they have been infected by the malignant diseases raging in Syria; it is therefore no wonder that the most difficult symptoms arose, such as are listed in the morbid condition of Job. This argument is illustrated by the very treatment with ashes. For the ulcerous man sat in ashes, both for the sake of mourning and as a sign of humility. Ashes, dust: that is, the place of penitence, Jonah 3. In Job’s own confession, ch. 42, 3, 6: “I have spoken foolishly; therefore I do penance in dust and ashes.” The Septuagint translators do not render it badly, whom I follow— C 2

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seqvutus Vulgatus sterquilinium vertit, & cu eo non pauci. Quanquam ulceribus non inconveniens sterquilinium sit, tamen maj rem cinis antiquitatem habet. In luctu & p[er] nitentiam cineribus aspergebantur vetero præsertim Iudæi. Huc trahunt Matthæum 6, 16. à ἡφαίξοι ἔα ἐγγῶπα, Velant faciet scilicet cineribus, quod Ioannes Lightfoot Hor. Hebraic. ad Matth. ex Rabbinis conf mat. Nam Taanith. cap. 2. In publicis jejum accipit unusquisque cineres, ac imponit capiti Consuluit eadem opera ulceribus suis Vir i patiens & fortunæ ludibrium. Cinis enim ulcera siccat, mundatque Dioscorides 1. 5. c. 11 escharoticis, sive crustas obducentibus mec camentis, miscet sarmentorum cinerem. Cu tam solide curet, & magis stringat, Galeno m nente, vel quisquis autor est libelli de simp cibus medicaminibus ad Paternianum. C ad rem nostram ita porrò loquitur: Ipse ci in recentia vulnera in profundum positus sang nem statuit à cursu. Ideoq[ue] omnicus pecoribus castr tis cinis impositus prodest, omnibusq[ue] abscisis. sarmentis tamen olivæ cinis acerrimus est, & ex n cleo solo acrior est, & ex hoc lixiviae, vulnerum ca cerata auferti etiam acriore lixivia sordida vuln ra lavanda sunt. In ulcere Syriaco, seu m ligno faucium ulcere Aretæus lib. 1. De Cur acut. Morb. c. 9. ad exsiccationem, medic menta arida inspergit penna. Ingens scr pulus superest, qui amovendus omni ope F b

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Sevutus Vulgatus turns it into sterquilinium, and a few follow him. Although sterquilinium may be not inappropriate for ulcers, nevertheless ashes have greater antiquity. In mourning and repentance the ancients, especially the Jews, were sprinkled with ashes. They refer this to Matthew 6:16, from the Hebrew expression, “they shall put on ashes,” meaning, of course, that they shall cover themselves with ashes, as John Lightfoot notes in his Horae Hebraicae on Matthew, from the Rabbins. For Taanith, chap. 2: “In public fasts each person takes ashes and puts them on his head.” The same thing would also have suited that suffering man and sport of fortune for his ulcers. For ashes dry and cleanse ulcers, says Dioscorides, book 5, ch. 11. Among escharotic, that is crust-forming medicines, he mixes in the ash of twigs. Since it heals so firmly and contracts more, according to Galen, or whoever is the author of the little book De simplicibus medicaminibus ad Paternianum. He speaks further to our point thus: “Ash placed in recent wounds at depth stops the blood from flowing.” Therefore ash is beneficial for all cut wounds in animals, and for all incised ones likewise. Yet the ash of olive twigs is very sharp, and from the kernel alone it is even sharper; and from this lye, for ulcerated wounds, indeed even the foul sores of wounds must be washed with a sharper lye. In the Syrian ulcer, or rather the malignant ulcer of the throat, Aretaeus, book 1 De Curatione Acutorum Morborum, ch. 9, for drying, sprinkles dry medicaments with a feather. A great scruple remains, which must be removed by every means. F.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 37 s acuta ulceri Syriaco jungitur, cum Jobi rbus chronicus fuerit. Nam LXX. Inter- es tempus multum vocant. Chrysostomus ultos menses numerat. Origines tres annos dimidio, Suidas septem definit. Nihil erit Pineda qui dignus est ab omnibus eru- s legi, longum tamen tempus concedit, sic m exigere tentationis gravitatem, Viri pro- am constantiam, & aliorum regum adven- n, ad quos non subito nec omnino brevi mpore fama pervenit. Sed ad morbi hujus rem varium respiciens Severinus, Vir acuti enii & magnæ experientiæ, duas formas s observavit, quarum altera est acuta & me furiosa: altera prope sedata & lenta, us fortasse determinat temperatura corpo- humor prævalens, habitus, sensus, mos, & c quidem in eadem urbe, oppido, pago: terum in longinquis & dissitis locis binos s duos morbi mores definiverunt quoque stitutio & tempus anni, aër, aqua, loci vi- s, & cæteræ quædam occasiones aut causæ calidioribus igitur regionibus, in tempera- ento calido & bilioso, ætate juvenili, brevio- tempora conficit ulcus Syriacum, in frigi- dioribus tardiori pede tempora sua emetitur. bi temperies temporata, cumulatis animi cerore crassioribus frigidioribusq[ue] humori- s, ætate confirmata & ad frigidam declinand- morbi acutas periodos tardavit, quo etiam eras suas Daemon contulit, qui ad tempe- riem C 2

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 37 An acute form is joined to the Syriac ulcer, although Job’s disease was chronic. For the LXX call it a long time. Chrysostom counts many months. Origen fixes it at three and a half years, Suidas at seven. There is nothing to be said against Pineda, who deserves to be read by all, yet he allows a long period; thus it is necessary to consider the severity of the trial, the steadfastness of the man, and the coming of the other kings, to whom the report did not reach suddenly or in very short time. But Severinus, a man of keen judgment and great experience, looking at the varied course of this disease, observed two forms, of which one is acute and almost furious; the other almost quiet and slow. Perhaps these are determined by the condition of the body, the prevailing humor, habit, temperament, and the like, even in the same city, town, or village; but in distant and remote places they also defined two modes of the disease. Constitution and season of the year, air, water, the nature of the place, and certain other occasions or causes also contribute. In warmer regions, therefore, in a hot and bilious temperament, in youth, the Syriac ulcer runs through its course more quickly; in colder regions it measures out its time with slower steps. Where the bodily condition is moderate, but with the foulness of the mind, thicker and colder humors accumulated, and with age established and inclining toward coldness, the acute periods of the disease were delayed; the Demon also brought his powers to bear, who toward the temperament C 2

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riem ejus morbum accommodavit, ut diutieum in tormentis haberet. Parum enim ab quin Scorbutum accessisse credam à melancholicis humoribus excitatum in homine tot æmnis desatigato, quem velut pilam versavi Daemon. Tot enim pravis symptomatibus fliguntur scorbutici, ut Daemonis instituto convenientissimus fuerit morbus Iobi tormentis gentis. Causæ præcesserant; animi mærorum gens propter amissa bona, conjugem liber que amissos, aëris constitutio ad littora Sylmaritima victus pravus ex inopia rei famiris. Hinc humores pravi & melancholici cervati, & seqvutus essetus, nempe totius tiosa constitutio, unde lancinationes, inquidines, dolores, ulcera scorbutica, cutica, denigratio, & mille alia mala, quæ scorbuticos xare solent, recensita diligenter à Severino Eleno libro de scorbuto. Dentium mobilitati gingivarum laxitas tanta in Iobo, ut cibum pere non potuerit, quanquam id ad oris labiori que exulcerationes referat ex Origine Sancti Provocabat Satanas Scorbuticum malum, quod naturæ tum corruptæ vitio propensus et Ita inevitabimus cætera incommoda quæ arum ulcerum difficultates inferunt. Chroni enim est hic morbus & vitæ ærumnosæ tædiu affert incredibile. Non nomine quidem, symtomatibus notus fuit olim Scorbutus in Hippocratis xvo, qui lib. de Morb. intern

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He adapted the disease to his body, so that he should have a longer time in torments. For I am not far from believing that scurvy had set in, excited by melancholic humors, in a man worn out by so many troubles, whom the Demon turned about like a ball. For so many evil symptoms afflict scurvy patients that it would have been a disease most fitting to the Devil’s purpose for Job’s torments. The causes had preceded: sorrow of mind from the loss of goods, wife, and children; the constitution of the air along the seacoasts; bad diet from want of necessity. Hence evil and melancholic humors were stirred up, and the effect followed, namely a corrupted constitution of the whole body, whence the lancinations, inflammations, pains, scurvy sores, discoloration of the skin, and a thousand other evils which commonly harass those with scurvy, are carefully recounted by Severinus Elnus in the book On Scurvy. So great in Job was the looseness of the gums and the mobility of the teeth that he could not take food, although he refers this to ulcerations of the mouth and lips from the same source. Satan provoked the scurvy evil, which, being inclined by the fault of corrupt nature, and thus unavoidable, brings other inconveniences that the difficulty of such ulcers causes. For this disease is chronic and brings an incredible weariness to a miserable life. Scurvy was not indeed known by name, but by its symptoms, in the age of Hippocrates, who in book On Internal Diseases...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 39 Prophet magnos lienes vocat, ulceraque & tulas, & cætera scorbuticorum mala graphicè cribit. Ægincta & Aretæus per icterum ni- m exprimunt. Strabo & Plinius Stomacacen celotyrben nominant, Romanisque innotuis- erhibent. De quo alii fusius egerunt. Nos ra non addimus. VIII. De lepra Iudæorum. Xtra Urbem Jobum locant qui Elephantiasin lli affingunt, quia lege Divina, ne inficerent separari ab aliis jubebantur leprosi. Hinc epram devolvimur, olim inter Hebræos fami- em. De qua tamen parci erimus, quia alio- pennas librosque ad satietatem implevit. De phantiasi Medicos consulat, cui volupe, in pri- Hollerium l.1. c.64. & ejus Enarrationes Du- m, Valetium, Hautinum, qui omnium votis facient. Varia problemata jucunda ventilat recurialis multiscius l.3. Var. Lect. c.20. Cur ape castrati non fiant leprosi? & Cur Elepan- veneris magno appetitu stimulentur? Ubi m Actium damnat, qui l.13.c.125. elephan- i correptos generandi gratia cum mulieri- aliquando consvetudinem habere consu- esse enim non modo malè affectos jugu- lare, C 4

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 39 The Prophet calls them great spleens, and describes ulcers and all the other evils of the scorbutic in a graphic way. Aegincta and Aretaeus express them sufficiently by jaundice. Strabo and Pliny call it stomacace and celotyrbe, and make it known to the Romans. Others have treated of this more fully. We add nothing further. VIII. On the leprosy of the Jews. Outside the City those are placed with Job who ascribe Elephantiasis to him, because by divine law, lest they should infect others, lepers were ordered to be separated from the rest. Hence we turn to leprosy, once familiar among the Hebrews. Of this, however, we shall be sparing, because someone else has filled pages and books to satiety. Let whoever wishes consult the physicians on Elephantiasis, especially in the first place Hollerius, book 1, chapter 64, and his Enarrationes, Du...m, Valetius, Hautinus, who will satisfy everyone’s wishes. The much-learned Mercurialis in book 3, Var. Lect. chapter 20, discusses various pleasant problems: Why are eunuchs not made leprous? And why are those afflicted with Elephantiasis stimulated by a great appetite for Venus? Where he condemns Actius, who in book 13, chapter 125 says that those afflicted with elephantiasis, for the sake of procreation, were accustomed at times to have intercourse with women, since it is not only to restrain the badly affected,

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lare, sed etiam reliquos peste inficere, morbe sumque genus humanum reddere velle. Act tamen ratio hæc est tetr. 4. serm. 1. c. 125. non in totum contagiosas successiones ipsius affectionis in omnibus fieri, præsertim si quis ptimè dispositus ad venerem incitetur. Non certè lue Venerea infectos ex uxoribus san suos liberos suscepisse, nullo contagio aut ma trem aut liberos obnoxios. Cautè vero mor per rariora intervalla coire posse, cum ante co tum affectioni infestissimum pronunciarit. statu igitur convalescentiæ coitum rarum con cedit, si quis optimè dispositus & semine ja in melius vergente, incitetur ad veneris am plexus. Addit ibidem Actius, si non succor dat curatio, quam eo capite instituerat, pr cul à mari & urbibus, segregandos. Cur pr cul à mari? scilicet ne commoditas concedat naviculâ habitata alia loca invisere. Na antea & natationes in mari concessit, & mari cibos. Nisi à mari idcirco arcendos beat, ne per natationem inficiatur aqna, ali rum usibus inservitura. Ab urbibus segiegag di, ne consvetudine sua scabiem aliis affricem Rectè alibi idem Actius tetr. 4. f. 1. c. 120. Archigene. malum esse affirmant cum ip conversari; inquinatur enim aër quem insp rando adtrahimus, ex ulcerum foetore & vitiata spiritus exhalatione. In Evangel procul stabant leprosi & Canone 37. Conci Aucyrani præcepit sancta synodus, qui lepro- su

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…to spread it not only to others, but also to infect the rest with the plague, and to render the human race diseased. Yet this is the reason. Actius, tetr. 4, serm. 1, c. 125, says that contagious transmission of the affection does not take place in everyone in every case, especially if someone most strongly disposed to venery is aroused. Nor certainly do those infected with the Venereal disease from their wives necessarily have received their children, with no contagion or danger to either mother or children. But carefully, from more rare intervals, they may be able to have intercourse, since he had previously declared coitus most hostile to that affection. He therefore permits rare intercourse in convalescence, if someone, being most suitably disposed and with the seed inclining toward better things, is stirred to the embraces of Venus. Actius adds there that, if the treatment he had instituted does not help, they are to be kept away from the sea and from cities. Why away from the sea? Clearly, lest opportunity allow them, by means of a boat, to visit other places. For earlier he had also allowed bathing in the sea, and foods from the sea. Unless they must be kept away from the sea on this account, so that the water, which is to serve the use of others, may not be infected through bathing. Separated from cities, lest by their custom they spread the scab to others. Likewise elsewhere the same Actius, tetr. 4, f. 1, c. 120, and Archigenes affirm that it is an evil to associate with them; for the air we draw in by breathing is contaminated by the fetor of the ulcers and the corrupted exhalation of the spirit. In the Gospel the lepers stood afar off, and in canon 37 of the Council of Ancyra the holy synod ordered that lepers…

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 41 nt vel fuerunt, inter eos orare, qui spiritu riclitantur immundo. Num. 12. Maria so- r Moysis lepra percussa, separata fuit extra stra septem diebus. Hanc legem veterem ysticè interpretantur Canones Pænitentiales ri Canonico affixi pag. mihi 1255. Mariam sci- et significare poenitentem. Interpretatur (sit ve- a verbo) enim amarum mare. Hæc poenituit tem diebus, sed nunc poenitet septem annis, quod nificatum est Ezech. 4. diem pro anno dedi i. Cur nunc tam frequens non sit apud Ju- eos, quàm apud Christianos, rationem red- t Buxtorfius Pater Synag. Judaic. c.33. partim quod paucisint cum Christianis collati, par- n quia temperant sibi à multis cibis, aliisque bus, ex quibus hic moribus concipi potest. ibos enim quod attinet, quàm fieri potest, gem Mosis observant. In nullo tamen tam ervicaces sunt, ac in carne suilla. Nihilomi- us tamen leprosi quidam inter illos exstant. t Antonius Margarita Pragæ suo tempore uosdam repertos esse testatur. Addo, libe- ores jam esse, quia frequenti exercitio utun- ur ad quærendum victum. Christiani quo- ue non ita infecti eomorbo deprehenduntur, b variolas frequentes. Olim certè familiaris rat lepra in Insulis nostris Borealibus Feroen- bus & Islandia, sicut Nosocomia ibidem ex- ructa testantur, quæ nunc vacua ruinam ninantur. Ignorareme fateor, quia sit Mor- bus C 5

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 41 or have been, to pray among those who are troubled by an unclean spirit. Num. 12. Mary, the sister of Moses, struck with leprosy, was separated outside the camp for seven days. This old law the Penitential Canons mystically interpret, set down in my Canonical [work], p. 1255. Mary seems to signify the penitent. It is interpreted, if the word be taken in another sense, namely “bitter sea.” She repented for seven days, but now one repents for seven years, which was signified in Ezek. 4: “I have appointed thee a day for a year.” Why this disease is now so frequent among the Jews as among Christians, Buxtorf the Elder gives the reason in Synag. Judaic. c. 33: partly because they are little associated with Christians, partly because they keep themselves from many foods and other things, from which the disposition to this disease may be contracted. As for foods, as far as possible, they observe the law of Moses. In nothing, however, are they so obstinate as in pork. Nevertheless, certain lepers are found among them. Thus Antonius Margarita testifies that in Prague in his time some were discovered. I add that there are now more lepers, because they are engaged in frequent labor in seeking their livelihood. Christians also are not found to be so infected by this disease, except from frequent smallpox. Certainly in former times leprosy was familiar in our Northern Islands, the Faroes and Iceland, as the hospitals built there testify, which now stand empty and threaten ruin. I confess that I do not know why this disease C 5

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bus Regius de quo prolixè disputat Zachari Papa I. Epist. 12. ad Bonifacium. Nisi vale fallor, cum lepra confunditur. In primis Iu dæi morbum effugiunt abstinentia à carne sui la, cujus caro insalubris creditur & lepram gen rare. Quanquam enim Celso & Galeno suilla caro inter domesticas quadrupedes levissima putetur, Mercuriale tamen placet 1.3. Var. Leu c.8. Iudæos ob sanitatem potius non vesci ca ne fuilla, quàm ob superstitionem. Plutarc autoritate se tuetur, qui 4. Symbos. Probl. 5. ra tionem reddens cur Iudæi carnibus suillis abst nerent; omnem suem, ait, sub ventre, lepra ac efflorescentiis refertam ferè esse semper, qui nimirum ob malum quendam habitum, a que corruptionem corpori ingenitam in co poribus summis efflorescere videntur. Bu stiæ quoque hujuscemet circa victum sorditi pravitate non caret. Cæterum malè caro suili in sanis damnatur, cum ex Hippocrate cæteri que ad unum ferè omnibus Græcis, Latinis Arabibus inter valentissima alimenta nnumeretur quibus etiam athletæ & alii ad robur corpori ac quirendum vescebantur, validissimè enim nutri ob glutinosum succum, qui partibus affluxus non facilè discutiatur, sicut post Galenum 1.2. Meth. ex plicat Petrus Castellanus 1.2. de Carn. Es. c.5. se requirit exercitium & stomachum idoneum Hip pocraces. Iudæis quidem noxia caro suilla esse non potuit, quia calidiori ventriculo & æstuar

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bus Regius, concerning which Zachary Pope I, Epist. 12 to Boniface discusses at length. Unless I am mistaken, it is confused with leprosy. In the first place the Jews avoid the disease by abstaining from the flesh of swine, whose meat is believed to be unhealthy and to generate leprosy. For although, according to Celsus and Galen, swine’s flesh is counted among the lighter meats of the domestic quadrupeds, Mercuriale nevertheless approves, 1.3. Var. Leu. c. 8, that the Jews do not eat pork rather for reasons of health than out of superstition. He supports himself by the authority of Plutarch, who, in 4. Symbos. Probl. 5, giving the reason why the Jews abstained from pork, says that almost every pig, under the belly, is covered with leprosy and eruptions, since, no doubt, because of a certain bad habit and corruption inherent in the body, they seem to break out upon the upper parts of the body. This beast too is not free from a certain sordid depravity in its manner of feeding. Moreover, pork is wrongly condemned among the healthy, since from Hippocrates and nearly all the others, Greeks, Latins, and Arabs alike, it is numbered among the strongest foods, with which athletes also and others, for the acquiring of bodily strength, used to feed; for it nourishes very powerfully because of its glutinous juice, which, when drawn into the parts, is not easily dispersed, as after Galen, 1.2. Meth., Petrus Castellanus explains 1.2. de Carn. Es. c. 5. It requires exercise and a suitable stomach, says Hip- pocrates. Pork could indeed not have been harmful to the Jews, because of a warmer stomach and a hotter body.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 43 præditi facilè superabant noxas, si quas ha- ret. Simeon Sethi humidos ventres negat be- concoquere suillam. Nec deerat illis vinum, od Schola Salernitana huic escæ adjungit. In ria leges patrias carnem suillam prohibuisse mininus Philosophus apud Svidam testatur, itatis tamen causa cum esset hæmoptoicus, so- dio Æsculapii parens, suillas carnes comedit is semper vescebatur. Glutinoso enim hu- re ora venarum in pulmone potuerunt solida- Non igitur Iudæi suem averfantur, metu ræ, à qua immunes per DEI gratiam sunt riæ incolæ, quibus cottidianus ferè est ejus. mini Burrhum ejus fuisse sententiæ, carnem lam quidem lepram inducere, sed corio inhi- ti, quo minus vel sues ipsi vel comedentes le- m consumantur. Imò ad legram curandam sangvine suillo spiritum extraxit. Politicam ionem habuisse Iudæos vero fit simile, cur lea suem exosum reddiderint, quæ deinde m legis obtinuit vel superstitionis. Esus e divina prohibitus fuit. Sed ipsi Iudæi rcos quoque alere venerunt, ne quidem ut gantur iis pelles, quod ex Cod. 1. Ebr. c. 7. & ex d. Ascher annot. ad Misnam do- Const. L'Empereur. Scilicet nolebant por- s alere ne agros Palestinæ effoderent, & inqui- rent fertile solum. Hinc maledictione pro- bitum est Iudæis canes alere & porcos apud aimonidem aliosque. Canes quidem alere per-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 43 Those who were thus endowed easily overcame the harms, if any they had. Simeon Sethi says that moist stomachs cannot digest pork. Nor were they lacking in wine, which the Schola Salernitana adds to this food. In the same way, the laws of their country prohibited the flesh of swine, as the philosopher Meninus testifies apud Suidas. Yet for the sake of his health, when he was afflicted with hæmoptysis, the son of Æsculapius ate swine’s flesh and was always nourished by it. For the sticky moisture in the openings of the veins in the lungs could have solidified. The Jews therefore do not abhor the pig from fear of disease, from which by the grace of God the inhabitants of Syria are immune, for whom it is almost a daily food. Minius Burrhus was, as he says, of the opinion that swine’s flesh indeed causes leprosy, but only by the hide being attacked, so that neither the pigs themselves nor those eating them are consumed. Indeed, for curing leprosy he drew out the spirit with pig’s blood. It is also probable that the Jews had a political motive, why that law later made the pig hateful to them, which then obtained the force of law or of superstition. The eating of swine was forbidden by divine law. But the Jews themselves also came to keep pigs, not even in order that hides might be obtained from them, as may be gathered from Cod. I. Ebr. c. 7 and from the notes of the said Ascher on the Mishnah, cited by Const. L'Empereur. Clearly they were unwilling to raise pigs lest they should dig up the fields of Palestine and search out its fertile soil. Hence it was forbidden to Jews, under penalty, to keep dogs and pigs, according to Maimonides and others. Indeed, to keep dogs...

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permissum, sed catenâ ferreâ ligatos, ne noce rent morsu, quanquam etiam posterioribus se culis pro dedecore habitum sit portare canem de qua kuro φορεια eruditam edidit epistolar[um] Cl. 30. Heinr. Meib. Antiqua quoque vestigi extant. Homerus Odyss. XI. de quodam pud inferos: Olim me huc misit, ut canem ducerem! non enim aliud existimabat hoc mihi gravius esse certamen. Prohibita quo que fuit inter Iudæos mercatura cujusvis re immundæ, quod ex Glossa in Kama illustra Lightfootius in Matth. 8, 30. unde vel Ethn corum inter Iudæos Gadarenos habitantium porci fuerunt, de quibus eodem capite Mathæi agitur, vel Iudæorum, quibus dulcis od[er] lucri ex re qualibet. An verò lege ulla DE porcos alere Iudæis prohibitum sit, ipsi vid rint, qui tam sunt tenaces præceptorum di norum, sæpe tamen ipsis sibi leges præscripti runt. Originem hujus interdicti tradit Iep phus, lib. 13. & 14. & ex eo L'Empereur 1. de Le gib. Hebr. ubi Germanorum Doctorum verb afferuntur. Hodiè abstinent à carne fuill propter longam consvetudinem, sicut fate tur ipsi in Historia Judaica edita à Gentio. In munditiem enim non considerari, exempli gallinarum demonstrant, quæ in sterquilin victum quærunt. Cur cibi alii immundi bræis, alii mundi, cum omnia bona à Deo cre ta sint, disputat Tertullianus Epistola de cibis daicis.

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permitted, but bound with iron chains, lest they should harm by biting, although even in later centuries it was considered a disgrace to lead a dog about—of which Kuro φορά? has published an erudite letter by Cl. 30. Heinr. Meib. There are also ancient traces. Homer, Odyssey XI, says of someone among the dead: “Once he sent me here, that I might lead a dog!” For he thought that this would be no less serious a task for me. Commerce in any unclean thing was also forbidden among the Jews, as is shown from the Gloss in Kama and illustrated by Lightfoot on Matthew 8:30. Hence either the pigs were those of the Gentiles living among the Jews of Gadara, of whom Matthew treats in the same chapter, or those of Jews to whom the sweet odor of gain from any matter was dear. Whether in fact by any law it was forbidden to the Jews to keep pigs, let those see for themselves who are so observant of divine precepts, though often they have prescribed laws for themselves. The origin of this prohibition is given by Josephus, books 13 and 14, and from him by L'Empereur, De Legib. Hebr., where the words of German doctors are cited. Today they abstain from pork because of long custom, as they themselves confess in the Jewish History published by Gentius. That it is not regarded as unclean is shown, for example, by chickens, which seek their food in dung-heaps. Why some foods are unclean for the Hebrews and others clean, when all things good were created by God, Tertullian discusses in the Epistle on Jewish foods.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 45 IX. enis Davidis remedium. I. Reg. I. Enex David aliter calefieri non poterat, quam accubitui virginis pulchræ. Sene- utis hæc credebatur levamen, & caloris pe- s extincti suscitabulum. Iuvenculæ enim lore sive osculo sive corporis contactu ex- tatur debilis senum calor, sicut lumen can- elæ penè desiciens admoto alio lumine revi- scit. Nihil hic turpe commissum à sancto ege, à qua culpa absolvitur in progressu ca- tis. Nec aliter de pietate Regis judicat Fl. sephers I. VII. C. 11. Ex communi inquit. Medicorum consilio decretum de Abisace- uæ cum Rege algioso cubitans, nihil aliud quam recalfaciebat; jam enim præ senio ad enereas res elanguerat. Contactus sufficie- at, quoper venas seniles juvenculæ blandus estus; ad cor per circulationem delatus, cor- us frigidum refocillabat. Ita Barbarossa æ- te extrema, consilio Hebræi Medici pueru- s continuè stomacho & illis pro fomentis plicasse scribitur. Catellorum idem effe- us, quos non malè abdomini ægrotorum sternimus. Rabbi Moyses Aphor. 30. sive 30. amascenus editus cum eodem Moyse, para- ticos multum juvare prodidit, si adolescens puella

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 45 IX. The remedy of David’s illness. 1 Kings 1. Elder David could not be warmed in any other way than by the embrace of a beautiful virgin. This was believed to be a relief for old age, and a reviving of the dying heat. For the weakened warmth of the old is stirred up by the touch, or kiss, or contact of a young girl’s body, just as the light of a nearly dying candle is revived when another light is brought near. Here nothing shameful was committed by the holy king, from which fault he is absolved in the progress of the narration. Nor does Flavius Josephus judge otherwise concerning the king’s piety, I. VII. c. 11. From the common advice of the physicians, he says, it was decided that Abishag, lying with the chilled king, did nothing else than warm him; for already, because of old age, he had grown slack for amorous matters. The contact alone was enough, by which the bland heat of the girl through the aged veins, carried to the heart by circulation, refreshed the cold heart. Thus Barbarossa, in his extreme old age, is said, on the advice of a Jewish physician, to have continually applied boys to his stomach and other parts as fomentations. The same effect is that of little dogs, which we not without reason apply to the bellies of the sick. Rabbi Moses, Aphorism 30, or 30. Damascenus, published with the same Moses, reported that aphrodisiacs help greatly, if a young girl

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TH. BARTHOLINI 46 puella lateribus apponatur, caloris naturali causa. Icinus igitur ait, Davidem contubernio puellæ, aliàs salubriter, sed nimis serò usu fuisse. At Verulamius iu Hist. Vit. & Mort. ad dit, quod puellam illam, more Virginum Pelsiæ, oportuisset inungi Myrrha, & similibus, non ad delicias, sed ad augendam virtutem fomer ex corpore vivo. Gratior verò est sanæ pu cræque virginis calor & conspectus, omnibus doriferis. Patet corpus crebris foraminibus cu tis magnis parvisque quæ poros cutis vocam per quæ communicatus à puella calor ad inter ra commeat viscera, quanquam Transfusion ipsius sangvinis, quam nuper curiosa ingenia in Italia, Germania, Gallia & Anglia ten runt, juvenescere potuerit David, si ad nostru[m] seculum fata illum servassent. Accessit solat Davidis gaudium ex conspectu & accubitu pu cricomæ Veneris, quo non parum incalescer potuit. Verè enim filius Salomon Prov. 17, Animus lætus bonam facit medicinam; spiritu autem fractus exsiccat ossa. Et ad rem Hippocrates 2. Aph. 23. in quo vis morbo animo bene va re, ac rebus convenienter datis gaudere bonum. Hi Musica pro morborum multorum curatione ap veteres advocata, ut etiam melancholiam Sallyrâ sua David junior composuerit, de quo quia Paralitico Primo, & Quæst. Nuptial. 7. egim hîc actum agere nolumus. X. E

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TH. BARTHOLINI 46 so that the girl may be placed at his side, for the sake of natural warmth. Therefore Icinus says that David had intercourse with the girl, which was otherwise healthful, but too late in life. But Verulamius, in Hist. Vit. & Mort., adds that that girl ought, after the manner of the Virgins of Pelsiæ, to have been anointed with myrrh and similar things, not for luxury, but so that by means of a living body she might increase the vital heat. Truly, the warmth and sight of a healthy and beautiful virgin are more pleasing than all heat-giving things. It is evident that the body, with its many great and small openings in the skin, which are called pores of the skin, through which the warmth communicated from the girl passes into the inward parts and viscera; although by transfusion of the blood itself, which curious minds have lately practiced in Italy, Germany, France, and England, David might have grown young again, if fate had preserved him to our age. There was added to David’s joy the solace derived from the sight and embrace of a beautiful-haired Venus, by which he could not a little grow warm. For truly the son of Solomon says, Prov. 17: “A cheerful mind makes good medicine; but a broken spirit dries up the bones.” And to the point Hippocrates, 2 Aph. 23: in whatever disease it is good for the mind to be well disposed and to rejoice in things fittingly given. Here music has been invoked by the ancients for the cure of many diseases, so that even David the younger may have subdued melancholy with his harp; but since we have dealt with this in the First Paralytic and in the Nuptial Question 7, we do not wish here to do the work of repeating what has already been done. X. E

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X. Ezechiae curatio perficum. 2. Reg. 20. De morboserram controversiarum ducunt eruditi. Pleuritidem fuisse censet Petrus Hianus, postea Pontifex Ioannes XXI. in Thesau-Pauperum c. 26. Pestem alii, unde in bubo-bus pestilentialibus solas ficus coctas & pistatas pauxillo butyri veteris & theriacæ mistas feciter in peste Noviomagensi applicabant, teste uemerbroeck l. 3. de Peste c. 12. ß. 12. Ego an-nam subsuisse ausim affirmare, quæ, quia per-tutus morbus, tertio die perimere solet, qua E-chias DEI manuevasit. In hac certè ita an-stanter sauces ex inflammatione & tumore, ut ix per sibilum verba exprimantur. Hinc pi-re sedicit Esa. 38. Maligna illa fuit & pestife-cui & leniendæ & maturandæ ficus conferunt. urities discutiunt, parotidas & furunculos e-lliunt, panos mutarant apud Dioscorid. l. 1. 183. Movere pus & evocare ficum a idam de-pectam Celsus quoque consentit l. 5. c. 12 quo-um facit Levinus Lemneus c. 19. de Herb Bibl. d inflammationem potius sedandam, quæ ma-surgebat, quam ad ulcus, respiciendum ju-icat Iohannes de Mey Comm. Phys. part. 2. c. 4. cui

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X. The cure of Hezekiah by figs. 2 Kings 20. Learned men are divided over the disease. Peter Hianus, later Pope John XXI, thought it was pleurisy, in Thesau-Pauperum c. 26. Others say the plague; hence, in buboes of the plague they applied only figs, cooked and pounded, mixed with a little old butter and theriac, as was done in the plague of Nijmegen, according to the witness of Vembroeck, l. 3 de Peste c. 12 § 12. I would dare to affirm that a pestilential fever was present, which, since it is a dangerous disease, usually kills on the third day, from which Hezekiah escaped by the hand of God. In this case the ulcers were certainly so severe from inflammation and swelling that words could scarcely be uttered. Hence the bitter complaint in Isaiah 38. It was malignant and pestilential, and figs are useful both for easing and for ripening it. They draw out impurities, relieve parotid swellings and boils, and mature tumors, according to Dioscorides, l. 1, c. 83. Celsus also agrees that a fig, cut open, moves the pus and draws it forth, l. 5 c. 12, which Levinus Lemnius also notes, c. 19 de Herb. Bibl.; rather than to the ulcer itself, attention should be given to calming the inflammation that was increasing, judges Johannes de Mey, Comm. Phys. part. 2 c. 4, to whom

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48 Th. BARTHOLINI 4. cui nulla ratione melius subveniri potera quam admoto cataplasmate ex carne carica rum cum farina hordei, si resolutionem ac mittebat inflammatio, sin minus, cum farin tritici, ut facta suppuratione mitescerent in bres, & reliqua accidentia. Utrique igitur malo, quia in ulcere faucium jungebantur, ta mornempe & inflam[m]atio, sicus conveniebat Inprimis abscessui periculoso. Nam Act tetr. 1. ferm. 3. c. 179. cataplasma conficit a scissibus, qui non facile maturi fiunt, ex fic bus coctis cum hordeacea aut triticea farina Curatio vero ista per sicum supernatura fuit, & naturalis, ut rectè disserit Hier. Bare in Med. Cath. Polit. ß. 7. Art. 3. cum trium di rum spatium pro curatione, qua è lectulo su gere poterat, assignetur, cum statim potui DEl virtute à morbo dicto citius convaleso re. Tertio autem die, tanquam critico in p acutis, sanari debebat. XI. De Asæ Regis arthritid 2. Chron. 16. Hic cum ægrotasset anno 39. regni sui hore pedum vehementissimo, dum mium Medicis eorumque manibus defert,

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48 Th. BARTHOLINI 4. by which it could be relieved more effectively in no other way than by applying a poultice made from meat of carica with barley flour, if the inflammation admitted resolution; otherwise, with wheat flour, so that, after suppuration had taken place, the pains and the other attendant symptoms might be eased. Therefore both evils, since they were joined together in the ulcer of the throat, namely swelling and inflammation, were to be treated accordingly, especially since it was a dangerous abscess. For in Act. tetr. 1. ferm. 3. c. 179. a poultice is prepared for abscesses that do not easily come to maturity, from figs cooked with barley or wheat flour. This treatment, however, was both supernatural and natural, as Hier. Bar. rightly discusses in Med. Cath. Polit. ß. 7. Art. 3., since a period of three days is assigned for the cure, after which he could rise from his bed, and then, by the power of God, recover sooner from the disease. But on the third day, as on a critical day in acute illnesses, he was to be healed. XI. On the arthritis of King Asa 2. Chron. 16. When he had fallen ill in the thirty-ninth year of his reign with a most violent pain in the feet, while he entrusted himself too much to physicians and their hands,

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 49 us ipsius DEI, dormivit cum patribus suis. urdo probabilius videtur ab ipsa podagra acidatum fuisse, nullo alio intercedente mor- , adeoque naturali progressu ipsius morbi, um tandem Regem occideret Dei permissio- . Contrarium sentit Sebastianus Baldus, cum ud videatur probabile ex podagra longo sa- morbo Asam potuisse mortem oppetere, sed otius ab humorum recurru seu diadochi, in quam principem partem novo emergente orbo quemadmodum pleuritico accidit, si Empyema incidat; is enim non jam pleu- icus, sed empyematicus obibit Hippocratis. ph. 8. Uterque amicus probabilia affert. am & hic & ille verus esse potest. Noti mi- podagrici solo dolore tandem consumti. lios per metastasinhumorum ad viscera no- lia, alio superveniente morbo, occubuisse observavi. XH. Jorami morbus Intesti- nalis. 2. Chron. 21. Iennio exacto, longa tabe consumtus eges- sit intestina sua. mortuusque est infirmi- tibus malis. Quodnam morbi intestinalis genus D

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 49 by the permission of God himself, he slept with his fathers. It seems more probable that he was consumed by the gout itself, no other disease intervening, and thus, by the natural progress of the disease itself, at last the permission of God brought the king to death. Sebastianus Baldus thinks the contrary, since it does not seem probable that Asa could meet his death from gout, a long-standing disease, but rather from a return of the humors, or diadochē, in which a new disease emerging in some principal part, as happens in pleurisy if an empyema occurs; for then he no longer dies as a pleuritic patient, but, according to Hippocrates, as an empyematic patient. Aphor. 8. Each friend offers plausible reasons. Both this and that may be true. I have known some gouty patients consumed at last by pain alone. Others I have observed to have fallen by metastasis of the humors to the noble viscera, another disease supervening. XH. Joram’s intestinal disease. 2 Chron. 21. A year having passed, worn out by a long wasting illness, he lost his intestines, and died of grievous infirmities. What kind of intestinal disease

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genus fuerit, non satis liquet. Dysenteria to mina quidem in intestinis provocat, sed longi morbus non est. Hernia intestinalis in longum tempus extenditur, sed dolorosa semp[er] non est. In umbilicali tamen, magno cruciatu effusa ex abdomen intestina, vidim[us] vitæ filum abrupisse. Teneumum & fistula Hieronymus Iordanus libro, de eo quod Di num est in morbis, cap. 32. suspicatur h[abe]t quadrare, quo mortis genere obiit optimi Titus Pomponius Atticus; sed intestina in neutro affectu egeruntur, ibi vellicantur, perforantur, in sede tamen manent. Et pr gnosticum est Celsi l. 4. c. 18. Teneumum nu quam per se jugulare. N[on] si Dysenteriæ illa species, de qua Gal. 3. Caus. sympt. c. 2. I. vinitus immissa illi parricidæ hæc esse tormenta, sacer textus asserit. Ita & Iosephus 1. Antiq. Jud. c. 3. per interpretem Gelenium: malum inventrem ejus ingruit, ut manifestæ divinæ indicio, miserabiliter periret, vidu quotidie per ventrem intestina defluere. M[anu] ope dæmonis subinde creduntur maleficio intestinatorquere, ut doloribus acutissimi punctionibus, inflationibus & borborygii intolerabilibus, quasi duo aut plures gladii versi fuerint infixi, miserandum in modi excruciari passim leguntur, quod defendit danus laudatus. Major in impios Dei pot tia, ut excruciet eos quos odir. Percussit ramum in intestinis hac infirmitate, cui r

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the kind of disease it was is not sufficiently clear. Dysentery, to be sure, causes pain in the intestines, but it is not a long-lasting disease. An intestinal hernia, however, lasts for a long time, but it is not always painful. In an umbilical hernia, nevertheless, we have seen the intestines, poured out from the abdomen amid great torment, sever the thread of life. Tenesmus and fistula; Hieronymus Iordanus, in the book De eo quod Divinum est in morbis , chapter 32, suspects that this may fit the way in which the excellent Titus Pomponius Atticus died; but in neither affection are the intestines expelled—they are there irritated, perforated, yet remain in their place. And the prognosis is Celsus, book 4, chapter 18: tenesmus never kills by itself. Nor, if it is that kind of dysentery of which Galen speaks, De causis symptomatum , book 3, chapter 2, does Sacred Scripture declare that these torments were divinely inflicted upon that parricide. Thus also Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews , book 1, chapter 3, through the interpreter Gelenius: an evil of the bowels afflicted him, so that, by a clear sign of divine judgment, he miserably perished, seeing his intestines daily flow out through the belly. By the hand of a demon, too, it is believed that through witchcraft the intestines are sometimes twisted, so that they are read of as pitiably tortured by most acute stabbing pains, distensions, and intolerable borborygmi, as if two or more swords had been driven in and left embedded; this is defended by the learned author cited above. Greater is the power of God over the impious, to torment those whom he hates. He struck a branch in the intestines with this ailment, of which he...

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DE MOMBIS BIBLICIS. 31 remedium supererat, concitatis ex impu- simoque corpore adustis bibliosisque hu- boribus ad intestina, unde alvi fluxus diutur- us cum colica, ex cujus diuturnitate crebro forti nisi intestina procidunt. Vellicata testina, dolorem excitant, quod in colico olore, Dysenteria, & Tenesmo experimur, ropter nervorum in mesenterio & intestinis oncursum à sexto pari, plexumque hinc inde er hanc regionem ramosdispergentem, quem emo accuratius Willisio de Nerv. c.27. descri- sit, & nervosam tunicarum substantiam. Ex- ertus id est malo suo Eduardus Secundus Rex ngliæ, quem parricidæ immisso in anum indenti ferro, combustisque intestinis inter- cerunt. Ipsa alvi solutione, quæ præter tionem accidit, in his diutius perseverante erturbatione pernicies intentatur, Hipp. in oacis. Coli dolores jugulare homines, non aucis exemplis inter nostros didicimus, nec c repetimus, ne amicorum dolore afficiamur. ccelerat fatum creber dejiciendi conatus, quo ndem laxatis vinculis anima simul cum in- stinis ejicitur. Tali catastrophe hæresiarcha rius vitam hæreticam olim clausit, repentino nim alvi moiu coactus crepuit medius visce- ribus effusis, Sozomeno narrante Hist. Eccles. c. 29. 30. D 2 XIII. Na-

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OF BIBLICAL MOMS. 31 no remedy remained, the bilious humors, roused from the most violent body and burned, were driven to the intestines, whence a lasting flux of the bowels, with colic, follows, from whose continuance the intestines are often violently driven out unless they fall down. The intestines, when irritated, excite pain, as we experience in colic pain, dysentery, and tenesmus, because of the concurrence of the nerves in the mesentery and intestines from the sixth pair, and the plexus spreading branches hither and thither through this region, which no one has described more accurately than Willis in De Nervis, c. 27, and the nervous substance of the membranes. King Edward II of England learned this to his own hurt, whom the parricides killed by introducing a glowing iron into the anus and burning the intestines. In the very looseness of the bowels, which happens contrary to nature, when this disturbance continues for a longer time, destruction is threatened, Hipp. in Coacis. We have learned from no few examples among ourselves that pains of the colon kill men, and we do not repeat these, lest we be afflicted by the grief of friends. Fate is hastened by frequent attempts at evacuation, by which at last, the bonds having been loosened, the soul is cast out together with the intestines. By such a catastrophe the heresiarch Arius once ended his heretical life; for being suddenly forced by a movement of the bowels, he burst asunder in the middle, the entrails having poured out, as Sozomen relates, Hist. Eccl. c. 29, 30. D 2 XIII. Na-

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XIII. Nabucodonosoris Mania seu Melancholia. Dan. IV. DAta per monstrosos ungves occasione Nabucodonosore nonnulla commenta sumus in Epistola 100. Centurie Secundæ, a quam Lectorem remittimus. Pauca hic babimus quia ita exigit instituti ratio. Fæ eos credimus qui metempsychosin hic fi gunt, somniantque quasi humanum ejus co pus in bestiale fuisset transmutatum, quo e rore tenentur Iosephus & Bodinus: Pleriq[ue] in bovem conversum existimant. In porcu Constantinus Manasses in Annalibus; Infuror extremum devolutus est, seipsum insania quad animi DEUM fecit. Sed horrendum in modi humiliatus est à DEO, de humana forma in p[er] figuram commutatus, supplicium hoc propter perbiam ferens. Sed sacer textus Dan. 4. affirm ejectum tantum fuisse ex hominum cons tio, sive subditorum rebellione, sive prop & spontaneo exilio ad solitariam hanc vit damnatum. Comedisse foenum, bonis in morem. Bovinos igitur mores induit, & gligentia cultus, in tantam longitudinem ungvesque excreverunt, quæ quadam sim tud

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XIII. Nebuchadnezzar’s Madness, or Melancholy. Dan. IV. Having given, on occasion of the monstrous nails, some remarks concerning Nebuchadnezzar in Epistle 100 of the Second Century, to which we refer the reader, we shall here say but little, because the plan of the work so requires. We believe those to be mistaken who here imagine a metempsychosis, and dream as though his human body had been changed into a bestial one; in which error Josephus and Bodin are held. Most think that he was changed into an ox. So Constantine Manasses in the Annals; he had fallen to the extremity of frenzy, making himself, through the madness of a deranged mind, a god. But, horrendously humbled by God, he was changed from human form into that of a beast, suffering this punishment on account of pride. Yet the sacred text, Dan. 4, affirms that he was only driven from the society of men, whether by rebellion of his subjects, or condemned by his own and voluntary exile to this solitary life. He ate grass, like cattle. Thus he took on bovine habits, and through neglect of grooming the nails grew to such a length, which in some way resembled...

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 53 dine aves referebant. Quæ propria fuit ebucadnesaris confessio ad se tandem, elapso ptennio, reversi; intellectum nempe sibi re- iisse, scilicet morbo laboravit, quem aliqui in- niam vocant, & furorem, rectius Vallesius de cr. Philos. c. 80. melancholiam, qua sibi ima- inabatur, se in bestiam immutatum, ideo- ue herbis pascendum, quod insanæ imagina- onis genus plurimos afflat, qui succo nigro melancholico abundantes fingunt ea quæ nus- uam neque picta neque scripta, & timent uæ timere non debent, ideoque se plerunque b hominum etiam amicissimorum consortio cludunt. An illam insanam melancholiam ativum temperamentum concitarit, an aliæ externæ causæ à DEO superbiæ vindice illa- e, non æquè liquet. Nimis audacter Io. ierus 1. 1. de Præstig. dæm. c. 24. & lib. 4. c. 1. cum eo alii, maledicio Diaboli inductam ebucadnezari insaniam asserit, quo nomine esté vapulat à Godelmanno in Lam. Bodinus, uod alium sensum Viero affinxerit. Diaboli utem nulla in sacro textu mentio, nec reve- a eo honore dignus est, quem à multis obti- uit, qui plurimorum causas & tormenta- li attribuunt. Verissimè enim cum B. Au- stino 1. 18. de Civit. DEI c. 18. credimus, O- mnipotetem DEUM omnia posse facere, uæ voluerit, sive vindicando, sive præstan- o, nec damones aliquid operari, secundum aturæ suæ potentiam, nisi quod ille permise- rit D 3

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 53 ...the birds reported. This was the proper confession of Nebuchadnezzar, after, at last, the lapse of the appointed time, he returned; namely, that his understanding had come back to him. He had been afflicted with a disease which some call madness and frenzy, but more rightly Valesius, de Cr. Philos. c. 80, calls melancholy, by which he imagined that he had been changed into a beast, and therefore must be fed with herbs; for this kind of insane imagination affects very many, who, abounding in black melancholic bile, fancy things which are nowhere either painted or written, and fear what they ought not to fear, and therefore for the most part shut themselves away from the company even of very dear friends. Whether that insane melancholy was stirred up by a natural temperament, or by other external causes sent by God, the avenger of pride, is not equally clear. Io. Wierus, 1. 1. de Præstig. dæm. c. 24 and lib. 4. c. 1 , too boldly, together with others, asserts that Nebuchadnezzar's madness was brought on by the curse of the Devil, for which he is sharply censured by Godelmann in Lam. Bodinus , because he assigned another meaning to Wierus. Of the Devil, however, there is no mention in the sacred text, nor is he worthy of that honor which he has received from many, who ascribe to him the causes and torments of very many things. For most truly, with Blessed Augustine, 1. 18. de Civit. Dei c. 18, we believe that Almighty God can do all things that He wills, whether in punishing or in bestowing, and that demons can do nothing according to the power of their nature except what He has permitted...

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TH. BARTHOLINI rit cujus judicia occulta sunt multa, injuri nulla. DEO soli hæc de Nebucadnezare vir dicta sumta tribuitur Dan. 4. v. 28. & 34. q[ui] vel mentem superbi Regis turbavit ipse, v[erò] causis secundis seu melancholiæ nativæ vir suam reliquit. Et certè sanæ mentis ante no[n] fuit Rex, alioqui tanto supercilio opera si supra Deum non extulisset. Unde continu rerum maximarum cogitatione accensæ humores & adulti, seqvuturæ insanæ melancholiæ occasionem dederunt. Hanc insaniam vocat lupinam aut caninam Actius tetr. 2. ser. 2. c. 11. & melancholiæ speciem esse rectè m[anu] net cum Ægineta 1. 3. c. 16. ubi & quædam a[utem] notarunt, quæ Nebucadnezari conveniunt. Noctu mense Februario exeunt. Quia h[uius] mines fugiunt. Mense quoque Februarii noctes sunt longiores, quibus in hac solitudo dine pererrent, quanquam Arculanus de verbo principio interpretetur, quo humores melancholici moventur. Reliqua signa, pallor facie, oculi cavi, sicci sine lacrymis, imbecill lingva sicca, calidi humoris atrique excessio notant, & vultum deformem. Tibiæ exul ratæ incurabiliter dicuntur propter assidu casus & canum morsus, vel potius quia curæ beneficio atræ bilis succus pravus ad teriora cutis propellitur, ulceraque maligna ægerrimè curabilia excitentur. Eodem na ræ auxilio & instituto, non tantum pilos Nebucadnezare prolixos enatos legimus, &

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TH. BARTHOLINI the judgments of whom are hidden, many injuries none. To God alone is this said to have been attributed concerning Nebuchadnezzar, a man given over to such things, Dan. 4. v. 28. & 34. who either himself disturbed the mind of the proud king, or rather left him to secondary causes, that is, to his native melancholy. And certainly the king was not before of sound mind, otherwise he would not have exalted works above God with such haughtiness. Hence a continual contemplation of great matters, and humors kindled and grown, gave occasion for ensuing mad melancholy. This madness Actius calls lupine or canine, tetr. 2. ser. 2. c. 11. and with Ægineta 1. 3. c. 16. rightly says it is a species of melancholy, where also he noted certain things which agree with Nebuchadnezzar. At night in the month of February they go out. Because the people of this kind flee. Also in the month of February the nights are longer, in which they wander about in this solitude, although Arculanus interprets it from the first word, by which melancholic humors are moved. The remaining signs, paleness of face, hollow eyes, dry without tears, weak tongue, dryness, an excess of warm and black humor indicate, and a deformed countenance. The shins are said to be incurably ulcerated on account of continual falls and dog bites, or rather because by means of care the bad juice of black bile is driven to the lower parts of the skin, and malignant ulcers are stirred up, most difficult to cure. By the same aid and method, not only the hairs of Nebuchadnezzar grew long, and &

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 55 ungves avium instar excretos. Qua criti- quasi expulsione corpus paulatim à succis avis liberatum fuit, donec critico anno se- imo prorsus sanitati, Dei beneficio Rex P. re- tueretur. Irrigationes denique capitis u- rque ante laudatus autor, in hoc casu laudat, ias oportunè Nebucadnezar excepit à rore elesti. Ungves certè in melancholicis ex- escere solent & cornua. Utrumque vidi- us. Cornua passim descripsimus 1. de Uni- nu & in Historiis Anatomicis. In vicino pa- rusticus adhuc superest, cui cornua cre- ant. Ungulas prolixas crassasque in sene pinximus Cent. 2. Epist. ult. quas dono D. uchi possidemus, similesque nuper in puero servavimus, qui ostiatim exinde eleemo- nam colligit. Tales in leprosis describit stantinus Monachus & Isaaci plagiarius in de genere leprarum. Nebucadnezaris igi- ungves a vibus similantur, dubio procul od vel negligentia hominis insani resecti n fuerint, vel copia succiatri crassique con- nium incrementum sumserint, adeoque & immensam longitudinem & figuram incur- m excreverint. Incurvantur quoque in pulmonum ulcere, more ferarum, unde tale ulcus Onejopua appellat Galenus in 6. Epid. com. T. 24. D 4 XIV. De

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DE BIBLICAL DISEASES. 55 nails like those of birds growing out. By this critical expulsion the body was gradually freed from the juices, as it were, of the bird, until in the critical seventh year King P. was restored, by God’s grace, to full health. Moreover, irrigations of the head, which the aforesaid author also praises in this case, were opportunely received by Nebuchadnezzar from the dew of heaven. Certainly nails are wont to grow excessively in melancholy persons, as well as horns. I have seen both. We have described horns elsewhere, 1. de Uno- nu & in the Anatomical Histories. In the neighboring countryside there still survives a peasant whose horns were growing. We painted long and thick hoofs in an old man, Cent. 2. Epist. ult., which we possess as a gift from D. Schulz, and similar ones were lately observed in a boy who therefore collects alms from door to door. Such things are described in lepers by Constantinus Monachus and by the plagiarist of Isaac in the genus of leprosies. Nebuchadnezzar’s therefore nails are compared with those of birds, beyond doubt either because of the madness or negligence of a man they were cut off, or because from an abundance of thick and viscous juices they took on an increase of that kind, and thus also grew to immense length and a curved shape. They are curved too in ulcer of the lungs, like wild beasts, whence Galen in 6. Epid. com. T. 24 calls such an ulcer Onejopua. D 4 XIV. De

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XIV. De pisce, in quo sepultus Jonas. Piscis delineatur in Bosii Roma subterranea 1. 2. c. 8. p. 93. 103. edit Rom. maj. Plerique de balena explicant, quia piscem magnum Iona textus vocat. Cete autem vulgati nominis non fuit, quia nec in mari Mediterraneo nec Persico balenæ reperiuntur, & omnes balenæ quæ in Gronlandia nostra & Islandia capiuntur, cujuscunque generis, etiam inusitata corporismole, vastoque capite, ex cujus lingva sola XVIII. Tonnæ adipis exprimuntur, tam angustas tamen fauces habent, quæ vix brachium hominis capiant. Vero sit similius canem Carcariam, seu Lamiam fuisse, quæ magnitudine cum minoribus balenis certat, vidique exuvias XX. pedes excedentes In Musæo servo junioris cutem asperam, X ferè pedes longam. Et, quod notandum, ritum habet Lamia amplissimum faucesque patentes & cæsophagum viro deglutiendo capacem. In curia Bremensi depictam vidi Lamiam, quæ Iona mceperat. In mari Rubro prædæ hominum assvevit canis Carcarias. It Plinius l. 13. c. 25. caniculistreferta (sc. maria, supplente Pintiano,) ut vix prospicere ènavi tutum fu

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XIV. Of the fish in which Jonah was buried. The fish is depicted in Bosio's Roma subterranea 1. 2. c. 8. p. 93. 103. edit. Rom. maj. Most interpret it as a whale, because the text calls it a great fish of Jonah. But it was not a whale of the common sort, because neither in the Mediterranean Sea nor in the Persian are whales found; and all the whales which in our Greenland and Iceland are caught, of whatever species, though of unusual bodily size and with a vast head, from whose tongue alone XVIII tons of fat are pressed out, nevertheless have such narrow throats that they can scarcely take in a man's arm. It is more likely that it was a dogfish, or Lamia, which in size rivals the smaller whales; and I have seen skins exceeding XX feet in the Museum; I preserve the skin of a young one, rough, nearly X feet long. And, what is to be noted, the Lamia has a very wide gape and open jaws and an oesophagus capable of swallowing a man. In the Bremen council chamber I saw a painted Lamia that had swallowed Jonah. In the Red Sea the dogfish, Carcarias, has become accustomed to human prey. So Pliny, l. 13. c. 25. the seas are full of dogfish (sc. the seas, supplied by Pintianus), so that it is hardly safe even to look out from a ship.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 57 it, remos plerumque ipsos accidentibus. Ante Pli- nium Theophrastus 1.4. Hist. Plant. c.8. Mare hoc belluis refertum, plurimasq[ue] seu caniculas habet, in tantum ut mare tutum non sit. Ex utroque Wottonus 1.8. de diff. Animal. c.164. similia tradit. Ninus seu Ninive Assyriæ Me- tropolis, imposita erat Tigri, teste Piumio 1.6. c. 3. quæ se exonerat variis flexibus & nominum mutationibus in sinum Persicum, quo vero sit simile Iona confugisse, ut se subduceret. Ma- re enim ingrediebatur. Hic autem citius in- venias canem Carcariam, quam balenas. Io- sephus 1. IX. Ant. Jud. c.11. Ionam à Cete de- voratum, post triduum in Euxinum Pontum re- movitum ex aliorum relatione narrat. Fateor quintuplicem ordinem dentium, quo Maxilla canis armatur, lædere Iona potuisse; sed dicendum, Dei manum ingressum ejus & egres- sum custodivisse. XV. Tobiæ coecitas curata. Perpaua super sunt quæ de Tobiæ morbo & curatione scribantur, quia omnia ferè absolvit Hieronymus Bardus in Med. Cathol. c. 4. ß.1. & 2. & ante illum Vallesius de sacr. Phi- los. c.42. De felle piscis unum verbum addam. Bardo

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 57 it, usually the oars themselves in collisions. Before Pliny, Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 1.4, c. 8, says that this sea is full of beasts, and has very many sharks, so much so that the sea is not safe. From both, Wotton, 1.8, de diff. Animal. c. 164, relates similar things. Nineveh, or Ninus, the metropolis of Assyria, was situated on the Tigris, as Ptolemy testifies, 1.6, c. 3, which, by various windings and changes of name, empties itself into the Persian Gulf; hence it is quite plausible that Jonah fled there, in order to withdraw himself. For he was entering the sea. But here you would more quickly find a dogfish than whales. Josephus, Ant. Jud. 1. IX, c. 11, reports from the account of others that Jonah, devoured by the sea monster, after three days was removed into the Euxine Pontus. I admit that the fivefold order of teeth with which the jaw of the dog is armed could have harmed Jonah; but it must be said that the hand of God guarded his entrance and his exit. XV. The cure of Tobias’ blindness. Very little remains that can be written about Tobias’ illness and its cure, because Jerome Bardo in Med. Cathol. c. 4, § 1 and 2, and before him Valesius in de sacr. Philos. c. 42, has almost completely dealt with everything. I shall add one word about the gall of the fish. Bardo

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58 TH. BARTHOLINI Bardo vitulus marinus placet, qui ad flumi num oras sæpe sæpius commoratur, & torva facie, & oculis irretortis terrorem incutit, & voracissimus est. Experimento infelle con- jecturam fulcit. Hujus quippe fellis in ocu- lis à sordibus & maculis repurgandis maxi- mam virrutem expertus est, si præsertim chy- micè præparetur, & jecur ejus & cor super pru- nas reposita acutissimum suffitum olere, ex quo Dæmones forsan propulsi sunt. Lamia, quam in Iona historia elegi, huc etiam qua- drat. Illa quippe amo pro rictu majorem ter- rorem juveni Tobiæ incutere potuit. Dicitur enim immanis piscis in Versione vulgatâ & in Deodati editione Italica, un grand pisce, quan- quam LXX. absolue ix Iov vocent. Præte- rea in India observavit Iacobus Bontius de Med. Ind. c.16. in coecitate specificum ac crebro usu comprobatum medicamentum esse, jecur Lamiæ piscis, crudum cum sale comestum quin & oleositatem ex eo in sole inde distil- lantem ac oculis inunctam pro præsentaneo esse remedio, idque proprietate quadam sub- stantiæ. Fel autem & hujus & aliorum ani- malium ad suffusiones commendatur. Hyæ- næ laudat Galenus Introduc. c.14. fel, lac, al- bumen ovi & urinam 1. de Ocul. c.4. sed cla- rius 1. 10. de simpl. Med. Facult. ubi oculis temperatiorem bilem accommodans, addit: Animalium quorundam singulariter bilis à Medi- cis extollitur, tanquam aciem exacuat oculorum, & suffu-

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58 TH. BARTHOLINI Bardo, the sea calf, is a pleasing one, which often and repeatedly stays by the banks of rivers, and with a grim face and unblinking eyes inspires terror, and is most voracious. An experiment confirms the conjecture from the gall. For he has found that the gall of this animal, for cleansing the eyes from dirt and spots, has very great virtue, especially if it be prepared chemically; and its liver and heart, placed upon hot coals, give off a very sharp smoke, from which demons perhaps have been driven away. The Lamia, which I chose from the history of Jonah, also suits this place. For that terrible creature could indeed inspire greater terror in young Tobias by its gaping jaws. For in the Vulgate Version and in the Italian edition of Deodati it is said to be an immense fish, a grand pisce, although the Septuagint call it absolutely ix Iov. Moreover, in India Jacobus Bontius observed, in De Med. Ind. c. 16, that in blindness the liver of the Lamia fish is a specific and a medicine confirmed by frequent use, eaten raw with salt; and that the oily matter distilling from it in the sun and applied to the eyes is a present remedy, and this by a certain property of the substance. The gall, too, of this and other animals is recommended for suffusions. Galen praises the gall, milk, egg white, and urine of the hyena, Introduct. c. 14; 1. de Ocul. c. 4. But more clearly in 1. 10 de simpl. Med. Facult., where, speaking of a more temperate bile suitable for the eyes, he adds: “The bile of certain animals is especially extolled by physicians, as if it sharpens the sight of the eyes, and suffu-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 59 affusionem initia digerat, velut piscis quem vocant allyonymon, byænæ, & scorpii marini. Callyo- ymi igitur, seu Uranoscopi, si lamia non rridet, fel advocetur, quo Tobiæ oculi fuerunt urati. Ejus enim fel cicatrices sanat, teste, linio 1. 32. c. 7. & carnes oculorum superva- uas consumit. Nulli hoc piscium copiosius, t existimat Menander quoque in Comædiis Cujus, ut & Anaxippi versus ab Æliano citan- ur 1. 12. Hist. Animal. c. 4. Reliqua facile huic isci accommodaveris, quæ in coecitate Tobiæ mnotamur. Ejus descriptionem habet ex Condeletio & Bellonio, propriaque observatione Fesnerus 1. Aquatil. XVI. De puerperio B. Mariæ. Matth. I. Virgo uterum gestavit. Quod verò clau- sis virginitatis claustris primogenitum, um in lucem ediderit capere non possunt, ui nihil nisi ordinarium in Servatoris Nativi- ate, per rationem, concedunt. Aperuit qui- dem matricem Christus, quia vocatur primo- enitus, sc. quia primus aperuit vulvam seu matricem Exod. 34. 19. Num. 2. 12. sed modo lanè divino & singulari. Omnia hic natu- 13

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 59 the beginnings of an inflammation, like the fish called allyonymon, byænæ, and the sea scorpion. There- fore for the Callyonymi, or Uranoscopi, if the lamia does not put them to flight, let the gall be applied by which Tobias’ eyes were burnt. For its gall heals scars, as Pliny testifies, 1. 32, c. 7, and it consumes the superfluous flesh of the eyes. Menander also thinks that this fish has this in abundance, whose verses, as well as those of Anaxippus, are cited by Aelian, 1. 12, Hist. Animal. c. 4. The rest which we have noted in Tobias’ blindness you may readily apply to this fish. Fesner gives its description from Condeletius and Bellonius, and from his own obser- vation, 1. Aquatil. XVI. De puerperio B. Mariae. Matth. I. The Virgin bore a child in the womb. But that, with the bars of virginity shut, she brought forth the firstborn into the light, they cannot understand, who admit nothing in the Nativity of the Savior except what is ordinary, according to reason. Christ did indeed open the womb, because He is called the firstborn, namely because He first opened the womb or matrix, Exod. 34. 19; Num. 2. 12, but in a wholly divine and singular manner. Here all nature...

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TH. BARTHOLINI ræ consvetum cursum superant, conceptio ne viro, nativitatis illæsa virginitate. Red enim Montacatius Apparat.IX. ad orig. Eccle 5.59. neque novum illud in terris adeò no vum fuisse, si non per omnes nativitatis conceptionis partes illa Nativitas descendisse Suidas certè refert membranam in B. Virgin ab obstetricibus inventam fuisse, cum de ej virginitate dubitaretur. Ut scrupulos ame veat Jo. Bapt. Mantranus Tr. de Loc. Concep Christi, singit aliunde prodiisse ex virgine Christum quam naturali & communivia, se falsum illum esse, viamquenaturalem serva dam probavimus libro de Insolitis Partus Vi cap.7. Vulva enim aperta dicitur Luc. 2. more aliarum puerperarum purgata est Virgo. XVII. Sangvinis profluvio labo rans foemina in Evangelio. Per duodecim annos mulier Christosanatur. Fluxu ex utero continu sangvis manavit, & temporis diurnitate a sveta illac ferri natura, fractisque indies vir bus, incurabile malum fecit. Non verò e uteri venis, sed iis quæ in collo uteri & ce vici

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TH. BARTHOLINI exceeds their accustomed course, conception without a man, the virginity of birth left unharmed. For Red. Montacatius, Appar. IX. ad orig. Eccle 5.59, likewise says that that novelty on earth was not so novel, if in all the parts of nativity and conception that Nativity had not descended; certainly Suidas reports that a membrane was found in the Blessed Virgin by the midwives, when her virginity was in doubt. To remove scruples, Jo. Bapt. Mantranus, Tr. de Loc. Concep. Christi, feigns that Christ came forth from the Virgin in some other way than by the natural and common one, but we have proved that this is false, and that the natural way must be preserved, in the book De Insolitis Partus Vi cap. 7. For the womb is said to have been opened, Luke 2. and, like other women newly delivered, the Virgin was purified. XVII. Woman suffering from a flow of blood in the Gospel. For twelve years a woman was healed by Christ. A flux from the womb had continuously caused blood to flow, and by the length of time the force of nature, accustomed to carry it away there, was broken day by day, and it made the malady incurable. But not from the veins of the womb, but from those which are in the neck of the womb and the cervix

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 62 is aperiuntur, quas hæmorrhoides vocant, ut illas inano, profluxit. Hac quippe via turalis mensium fluxus procedit. Unde gravidis, clausoutero, nonnunquam menstatis vicibus, nonnunquam continuo, arum exempla memini, procedunt. Cau- n habet vel sangvinis seorsi tenuitatem, vel arum laxitatem cujus prognosticum est, curationem nullam vel difficilem admit- e. Franciæ Martellæ apud Poterium Cent. Obs. & Cur. cap. 49. continua hæmorrhagia utero supra duos annos patienti successit cophlegmatia cum febre lenta, siti inexple- i & mira in appetentia. Quid de obsirma- annorum duodecim malo dicemus? Ad m Doctissimus Mercurialis 1.4. de Morb. ul. c.2. disserit; ægritudines omnes quæ cu-æ sunt à Christo salvatore nostro, incurabi- fuisse; hocque dixit, quia fluxus ille mu- ris omninò erat incurabilis, ut timere debea- us ubi fluxus prorogantur, malum evadere curabile, adhæc ubi fluxus immodici diutius urant, timendum ne mulier fiat hydropica, checeta aut alia propria mala incurrat. Mi- ri necesse est, quod tot annorum inducias ulieri ad vitam concesserit pertinax & peri- ulosus fluxus. Sed reservata fuit ut Christi iraculo sanaretur. Quomodo à prostruio ngvinis librerata sit Sybilla quædam, non umana, sed Lausanensis, B. Hildegardis 1. 3. itæ suæ his verbis describit: Matronara Sybil- lam

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On Biblical Diseases. 62 the openings, which they call hemorrhoids, as that by which the blood was discharged. For by this way the natural flow of the menses proceeds. Hence in pregnant women, with the womb closed, sometimes at the monthly times, sometimes continuously, I recall examples of it occurring. The cause has either the thinness of the blood itself, or the laxity of the womb, the prognostic of which is that it admits no cure, or only a difficult one. Franciæ Martellæ apud Poterium, Cent. Obs. & Cur. cap. 49: a continual hemorrhage of the womb, after more than two years, was followed by phlegmatia with slow fever, insatiable thirst, and a marvelous appetite. What shall we say of the illness of twelve years' standing? The most learned Mercurialis, 1.4. de Morb. ul. c.2., discusses it; all the diseases that are in Christ our Savior were incurable; and he said this because that flux was altogether incurable, so that we must fear that where fluxes are prolonged the evil becomes curable; moreover, where excessive fluxes continue longer, one must fear lest the woman become dropsical, or incur some other proper illness. It is astonishing that so many years of reprieve for a woman have been granted to life by a persistent and dangerous flux. But it was reserved that she should be healed by Christ's miracle. How a certain Sibyl, not human, but of Lausanne, was liberated from a flow of blood, Blessed Hildegard, book 3 of her life, describes in these words: Matrona Sibyllam

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TH. BARTHOLINI lam de civitate Lausanensi trans Alpes, qu ejus adjutorium per nuncium expostulavi missis ei literis, profuvio diuturno sangvin liberavit: Hæc verba interpectus & umbilicur pones, in nomine ejus qui omnia rectè dispo nit. In sangvine Adæ orta est mors: in san gvine Christi extincta est mors. In eodem sangvine Christi, impero Tibi, ô sangvis, fluxum tuum contineas. Et matrona his scr ptis verbis est sanata. Refert hæc ex Hilde gardi Helmontius pag. 672. quem credere quæ velit non inhibeo, modo mihi libertatem con cedat credendi quæ debeam. XVIII. Epilepticus in Evangelio IN historia Evangelica sit mentio cujusdam cos, Paraphrastes Syrus translutit Tremellio ad Verbum sonat, filium agrorum i.e. hominem agrestem, & qui à reliquorum con svetudine abhorreat. Sed Fullerus, Vir Do dissimus l. 2. Miscell. sacr. c. 17. ita reddendum censet: Qui extratecta degunt. Græcè appelles. Qua voce LXX. utuntur, ac eos designandos, qui vitam miserrimam tra hunt in sylvis, solitudinibus &c. Vide plur apud laudatum Fullerum. Epilepticum rect cense

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TH. BARTHOLINI from the city of Lausanne across the Alps, whom I had asked for his help by messenger, and to whom I sent letters, delivered me from a long flow of blood. These words, between the eyebrows and the navel, place, in the name of him who disposes all things rightly. In the blood of Adam death arose; in the blood of Christ death was extinguished. In the same blood of Christ I command thee, O blood, that thou restrain thy flow. And the matron, by these written words, was healed. Helmontius reports this from Hildegard, page 672; I do not prevent anyone from believing what he wishes, provided that he grants me the freedom of believing what I ought. XVIII. The epileptic in the Gospel In the Gospel history mention is made of a certain one, the Syrian paraphrast translated it Tremellius renders it word for word, the son of the fields, that is, a rustic man, and one who departs from the custom of others. But Fuller, a very learned man, book 2 of Miscell. sacr., chap. 17, thinks it should be rendered thus: Those who dwell without roofs. In Greek, apelles. The Septuagint use this word, and it designates those who lead a most miserable life in forests, solitudes, etc. See more in the aforesaid Fuller. The epileptic rightly I judge

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 63 unset Unzerns 1. 1. de Epil. c. 1. Dicitur enim t morbus Lunaticus, vel quia secundum va- os Lunæ motus & aspectus, nonnullos in- dit, vel quia interlunio concepti atque nati, ic morbo obnoxii existimantur. Luna, ippe humoribus præest, quam vitare eum ult Celsus 1. 2. c. 4. cui caput insimum est, aximeque ante ipsum lunæ solisque concur- m. Arctæo annotante 1. 1. De Caus. & Not. ron. aff. c. 4. nonulli flagitiosis homini- s à Luna immitti existimant. Hinc credo curando hoc affectu, ne Luna creaturam m foveret, Lunæ ortum vitasse Medicos. Nicolaus Myrepsus sect. I. de Antid. c. 198. Antidoto Cyphi: Lunaticos restituit, da- cum spuma tauri fabæ magnitudine, ab or- Solis ad ortum Lunæ diebus triginta. Ad- git sacer Scriptor huic Lunatico Dæmoni- n, quod vel induxit morbum, vel auxit. Se- pso à Dæmonibus im[m]ediate affectum produ- Divinationem potiùs alii singunt, quia correpti nonnunquam vaticinari futura vi- ntur, sive ea vera sint sive falsa. Quod An- nius Guajnerius tr. 17. Prax. c 3. fusius explicat. am cum in Epilepsia sit fortis quædam op- ratio, quæ omnes sensus exteriores ita ligan- r, ut ab omnibus eorum operationibus ces- nt ac serientur, & cum anima rationalis ali- de non sit impedita, sed maneat quasi in- plici esse, sit ut Epilepticis quandoque in- roxylmis futurorum mago quædam obver- setur

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 63 Unzer, l. 1. de Epil. c. 1. For it is said that the Lunatic disease is so called either because, according to the various motions and aspects of the moon, it affects certain persons, or because those conceived and born during the interlunar period are thought to be subject to this disease. The moon, indeed, has rule over the humors, which Celsus advises one to avoid, l. 2. c. 4, when the head is affected, especially before the conjunction of the moon and the sun itself. As Arctæus notes, l. 1. De Caus. & Not. chron. aff. c. 4, some think that wicked impulses are sent into men by the moon. Hence I believe that, in treating this affection, the physicians avoided the rising of the moon, lest the moon should warm the creature they were treating. Nicolaus Myrepsus, sect. I. de Antid. c. 198. In the antidote Cyphi: it restores Lunatics, by giving the foam of a bull the size of a bean, from the setting of the sun until the rising of the moon for thirty days. The sacred writer ascribes this Lunatic condition to a demon, which either brought on the disease or increased it. Others, however, say that it is a person immediately affected by demons. Others rather invent divination, because those seized are sometimes seen to foretell future things, whether these be true or false. This An- nius Guajnerius explains more fully, tr. 17. Prax. c. 3. But since in epilepsy there is a certain strong operation which so binds all the external senses that they cease from all their operations and are silenced, and since the rational soul is no longer impeded in any other way, but remains, as it were, in a simple state, it follows that in epileptics, during paroxysms, something of the future may sometimes appear to the mind.

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setur, quibus postmodum cessantibus, sæp[er] plurima futura prædicant. Negari non po- test liberius animam agere corpore pene op- presso, quod in moribundis non rarò videm[us] at nec anima nec Dæmon futuræ sciunt; ut verò dixerit Guarnerini imaginem esse futur- rum, non veram prædictionem. Adsociat malus Dæmon huic aliisque morbis, ut ægrius faciat. Hinc sacer morbus quoque vocaba- tur, quod divinitus putetur immissus, Calio Ar- reliano l.1. Chron. c.4. aut quoniam Dæmon correptus esse homo videatur, ut censet Ar- tæus l.1. de Caus. Chron. 4. Hinc, quia frequen- is apud Iudæos, imprecationem formulis len- tur, teste Buxtorfio Patre c.33. Synag. Judaic. XIX. Dæmonio obsessi in Evan- gelio & per annulos curandi ratio. Disputat de eo Jo. Langius l.2. Epist. 34. Dæmones humana corpora morbis affi- gant, exorcismo obtemperent, qua deniq[ue] methodo tales morbo curentur? Laus DEO quod insolita sit nostro tempore ista infelici- tas, cum vix singulis seculis unus alterver- Dæm

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they produce, which afterward ceasing, they often foretell many things that are to come. It cannot be denied that the soul acts more freely when the body is almost oppressed, as we often see in the dying; but neither the soul nor the demon knows future things; rather, as Guarnerini said, it is an image of future events, not a true prediction. The evil demon associates himself with this and other diseases, in order to make them worse. Hence it is also called the sacred disease, because it is thought to be sent by divinity, according to Caelius Aurelianus, l. 1, Chron. c. 4, or because the man seems to have been seized by a demon, as Artæus thinks, l. 1, de Caus. Chron. 4. Hence, because it is frequent among the Jews, they temper the imprecation with formulas, as testified by Buxtorf the Elder, c. 33, Synag. Judaic. XIX. The demon-possessed in the Gospel & the method of cure by rings. Jo. Langius discusses this in l. 2, Epist. 34. How do demons afflict human bodies with diseases, obey exorcism, and by what method are such diseases finally cured? Praise be to GOD, that this misfortune is unusual in our time, since scarcely in each century is there one or another one

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 65 æmone obsesso affligatur. Me puero, Coa- li celebri Selandiæ nostræ urbe, quidam mi- s Satanæ experiebatur insultus, ut etiam er aërem subinde raperetur, quem invisere t sacerdotibus nemo audebat, nisi integram tam traduxerat, exprobabat enim obsessus nicquid conscientia occultavit. Inter Ju- æos numerus Dæmoniacorum insolitus fuit, fæpe in sacro Evangelio occurrit, sive quod tæter modum artibus magicis dediti Dæmo- em advocaverint, sive quod summæ impie- tis hanc poenam meruerint à vindice Jeho- a. Iosephus narrat, quo modo obsessi à Dæ- one curarentur à Iudæis. Vidit namque eazarum Iudæum in exercitu Vespasiani, rantem Dæmoniacos hac methodo: Ingere- t naribus obsessi annulum sub cujus sym- lo radix à Salomone indicata continieba- r, quo de naribus educto simul Dæmonium sessi emunxit, ac æger langvore in terram ncidit: & Eleazar carminibus Salomonis æmonem adjuravit, illique per sacra edixit. vetuit, ne in pristinum suum ergastulum diret. Ac ut obsessum spiritu maligno libe- rum testaretur, ponebat coram obsessis ca- em aut pelvim aqua refertam, quam ut ressus ab homine subverteret, Dæmoni jam auctorato imperabat. Hodie nonnunquam obessi à Dæmone creduntur, qui vel Epilepsia repti vel melancholico succo abundantes, dos varios Satanæ mentiuntur. In Epile- psia

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 65 [One] who is afflicted by a demon-possessed person. In my boyhood, in Coalis, a celebrated city of our Selandia, a certain man suffered such assaults from Satan that he was even at times snatched up into the air; no one, not even the priests, dared to visit him, unless he had first spent a whole year in that condition, for the possessed man reproached him for whatever his conscience had hidden. Among the Jews the number of demoniacs was unusual, and this often occurs in the sacred Gospel, whether because, beyond measure devoted to magical arts, they summoned the demon, or because by the greatest impiety they deserved this punishment from avenging Jehovah. Josephus relates the manner in which those possessed by a demon were cured by the Jews. For he saw Eleazar the Jew in the army of Vespasian healing demoniacs by this method: he placed to the nostrils of the possessed man a ring under whose seal there was contained a root indicated by Solomon; and when this had been drawn out through the nostrils, it at once expelled the demon from the possessed man, and the sick man fell to the ground in languor. And Eleazar adjured the demon with Solomon’s incantations, and by sacred rites commanded him, forbidding him to return to his former prison. And so that he might show the onlooker that the possessed man had been freed from the evil spirit, he placed before the possessed a basin or bowl filled with water, which the demon, now under compulsion, he ordered to overturn by the man’s feet. Today people are sometimes believed to be possessed by a demon who, being either seized by epilepsy or abounding in melancholy humors, imitate various works of Satan. In epilepsy

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psia similia Doæmoniacorum visuntur sympto- mata, variis motionibus miri spectaculi spe- ciem præbentia. Et quod in Evangelio legi- mus, in flumina vel mare cadentes, ex altis le- cis præcipites dantur, sicut prodidit Cælius Au- relianus l. 1. Chron. c. 4. Vidimus Pata vii ec- quitanquam obsessi flagellabantur, curatos fo. Dom. Sala Medico Magno, pro Epileptic vel melancholicis. Expurgandus enim in h ater humor, qui cerebri ideas turbat, & velli cantes cerebrum acres liquores educend Quanquam nec flagella damnentur, quæ ci- lorem excitare valent, & mentem à deviis ru- vocare, de quibus nos post Meibomium plu- diximus Epist. de Flagerorum usu in Medicin De annulo naribus obsessi indito, quæ Eleaz apud Iosephum exhibuit præstigiæ meræ suni Annulus quidem S. Eduardi Regis Angliæ cu- mitial morbo laborantibus salutaris fuit, c quo videndus Kirchmannus de Annul. c. 21. sen suspicio esse potest, ex ungula alcis confectum vel aliis quæ singulari virtute Epilepsiam cu- rant. Annulos alias naribus appendebant Iu- dæi ornamenti causa vel memoriæ, quod Schedio nostro de Armillis exposuimus. I hoc argumento consultus I. Buxtorfius Junio Basileæ olim amicus noster, Cl. Rhodii in gra- tiam, cum de fibula commenta retur, pro xum responsum dedit, quod meretur public- hic legi:

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Symptoms similar to those of demoniacs are seen, presenting the appearance of a strange spectacle through various motions. And what we read in the Gospel: those falling into rivers or the sea are thrown headlong from lofty places, as Caelius Aurelianus records, l. 1 Chron. c. 4. We saw at Pata vii, as if possessed, being flogged, cured by Dom. Sala, a great physician, for epileptics or melancholics. For that bitter humor must be purged, which disturbs the ideas of the brain, and sharp, stimulating liquids must be drawn out from the brain. Although flogging too should not be condemned, since it can excite the alertness of the body and recall the mind from wandering paths, concerning which we have said more after Meibomius in the Epistle on the use of whips in medicine. As for the ring placed in the nostrils of the possessed, which Eleazar exhibited to Josephus as a mere trick, the ring of St. Edward, King of England, was indeed salutary for those suffering from epilepsy, about which see Kirchmann, de Annul. c. 21. It may be suspected that it was made from the hoof of an elk, or from other substances that by singular virtue cure epilepsy. The Jews also used to hang rings from the nostrils, either for ornament or as a reminder, as we explained in our work on bracelets. On this point, when consulted, J. Buxtorf, our sometime friend at Basel, in favor of Cl. Rhodius, when he was writing about the brooch, gave a very prompt reply, which deserves to be read publicly here:

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 67 De Annulis Narium. Et primò quidem Nomen Hebraicum, quo Narium designantur, de quibus quæ- vocatur illud Nesem, in plurali Nesme. Etymologia hujus minis incerta: quia, cum communiter No- ma apud Hebræos à Radicibus certis seu bis descendere soleant, nullum autem ver- n apud Hebræos sit in usu, unde hoc no- n derivari, & ratio significationis ejus co- sci possit. Analogiæ ratione primitivum s deberet esse Nasam: sed nullibi extat. t, qui per Methatesin literarum referant Sanah, quod scortari significat: quasi Monile, quod palam in fronte, naribus auribus prostat ad emerendum gratiam. coacta est hæc etymologia. Et cum dissimas etiam foeminas legamus hoc or- menti genere usas, absit, ut ab impudico il- verbo deducamus. Si conjecturis indul- e vellemus, commodius multo deduci pos- è verbo affini Sam, vel Samam, d Capistrare, Frænare, Refrænare significat: de Semam est Capistrum, Frænum. An o forte Nesem, ornamenti illud genus dictum, quod cum Semem vel Semam eno vel capistro Equorum & jumentorum quam similitudinem haberet. Sanè inter- s Latinus Paraphraseos Chaldaicæ Cantic. E 2 I. V. 10.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 67 On Nose-Rings. And first, indeed, the Hebrew name by which the nostrils are designated, concerning which the word Nesem is used, in the plural Nesme. The etymology of this term is uncertain: because, since names among the Hebrews commonly descend from certain roots, and there is no vernacular word in use among the Hebrews from which this name can be derived, and by which the reason of its signification can be known. By analogy, the primitive form ought to be Nasam: but this is nowhere found. There are those who, by transposition of letters, refer it to Sanah, which signifies to play the harlot: as if it were a necklace, which, worn openly on the forehead, nostrils, and ears, was displayed to win favor. But this etymology is forced. And since we read that very modest women also used this kind of ornament, let it be far from us to derive it from an immodest word. If we were willing to indulge conjectures, it could much more suitably be derived from the related verb Sam, or Samam, which signifies to bridle, to curb, to rein in: for de Semam is a bridle, a curb. Or perhaps Nesem was so called because that kind of ornament had some likeness to the bridle or halter of horses and beasts of burden. Indeed, see the Latin paraphrase of the Chaldaic Song, C.

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TH. BARTHOLINI 1. v. 10. ubi legitur, Verba legis esse Israëlitis Semamim (fræna) in maxillis eorum non recedant à via recta; ille, inquam, In pres vocem Semamim (fræna reddi Sicut in aures; affinitatem originationis in hac duas voces agnoscens. Secundo, utile est & è re omnia Scripturæ ca inspicere & considerare, in quibus vox occurrit. Sunt autem seqq. I. Genes. 24. 22. dicitur de servo Abrah Protulit Vir Nesem auream, semissis pon ejus: & v. 30. Cum vidisset Nesem Laban v. 47. dicit servus ille in eadem Historia posui Nesem super nares ejus, & armillas su manusejus (sc. Rebeccæ.) II. Genes. 35. 4. dicitur de familia Iac Dederunt itaque ipsi (Iacob) omnes Deos alienos erant in manu sua, & Nesamim, quæ erant in a bus ipsorum. III. Evod. 32. v. 2. 3. de Aharone vi conflaturo: Et dixit illis (Israëlitis) Ahar Separate Nisme aureas, quæ sunt in aur uxorum vestrarum, filiorum vestrorum, & f rum vestrarum, atque afferte ad me. Separa runt igitur omnis populus Nisme aur quæ erant in auribus eorum, & attulerunt Aharon. IV. Exod. 35. v. 22. de populo Israëli spontaneas oblationes ad opustabernaculi ferente: Venerunt viri cum mulieribus, omnis si

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TH. BARTHOLINI 1. v. 10. where it is read, The words of the law to the Israelites are Semamim (bridles) in their jaws, do not turn aside from the straight way; he, I say, interprets the word Semamim (bridles) as being rendered as in the ears; recognizing in this a kinship of derivation between the two words. Secondly, it is useful and to the point to examine and consider all the passages of Scripture in which the word occurs. These are as follows. I. Gen. 24. 22. it is said of Abraham’s servant: He brought forth a golden Nesem, of half a pon his: and v. 30. When Laban had seen the Nesem v. 47. that servant says in the same history: I put the Nesem upon her nostrils, and the bracelets upon her hands (sc. Rebecca’s.) II. Gen. 35. 4. it is said of Jacob’s family: So they gave up to him (Jacob) all the foreign gods that were in their hand, and the Nesamim, which were in the ears of their people. III. Exod. 32. vv. 2, 3. concerning Aaron about to be melted down: And Aaron said to them (the Israelites): Separate the golden Nisme, which are in the ears of your wives, your sons, and your daughters, and bring them to me. So they separated from all the people the golden Nisme which were in their ears, and brought them to Aaron. IV. Exod. 35. v. 22. of the people of Israel bringing spontaneous offerings for the work of the tabernacle: Men came with women, every one willing

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 69 eus corde, & attulerunt fibulas, & Nelamim & mulos, & dextrata, &c. V. Iudic. 8. v. 24. 25. 26. Dixit præterea ad Gideon: Postulabo à vobis postulationem, ut is mihi quisque nesem spoliorum suorum: Nam me auri vel aureæ erant vis: quta Ismaelitæ nt, (spoliati sc. vel capti ab Israëlitis) Et. erunt, dando dabimus. Et expandentes timentum, projecerunt illuc quisque nesem liorum suorum. Fuit autem pondus nisme, i vel aurearum mille & septingentorum au- rum &c. VI. Iobi 42. 11. Dederunt quoque (amici i) et (Jobo) quisque agnum suum (vel, numum i imagine signatum) & quisque nesem auream m. VII. Proverb. 11. 22. Sicut nesem auri in ibus porci: ita est mulier pulchra, & deficiens filio. IX. Proverb. 25. 12. Ut nesem anri, & or- mentum obryzi est, qui arguit sapientem, cui est is obtemperans. X. Iesa 2. 21. inter ornamenta filiarum Hie- olymitanarum recensentur Nisme narium. X. Ezech. 16. v. 12. Dedi nesem super nares s, & inaures in auribus tuis, & coronam glo- in capitetuo. XI. Hosea 2. 15. Et visititabo super eam (Ec- iam Israëliticam apostaticam) dies Baalim, bus adolebat thus & ornabat se nismah suâ. E '2

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 69 ...and they brought fibulas, and Nelamim, and mules, and dextrata, etc. V. Judges 8:24, 25, 26. And Gideon said further to them: I will ask a request of you, that every man give me the nesem of his spoils: for they had golden earrings, because they were Ishmaelites, (i.e. spoiled or taken by the Israelites). And they said, We will willingly give them. And spreading out a garment, they cast there every man the nesem of his spoils. And the weight of the golden nesem was one thousand seven hundred shekels of gold, etc. VI. Job 42:11. Then all his friends gave also to Job each a lamb, (or a coin marked with an image) and each a golden nesem. VII. Proverbs 11:22. As a nose ring of gold in the snout of a swine, so is a beautiful woman, and without discretion. IX. Proverbs 25:12. Like a nose ring of gold, and an ornament of finest gold, is he who reproves a wise man, who has an obedient ear. X. Isaiah 3:21. Among the ornaments of the daughters of Jerusalem are reckoned nose-rings. X. Ezekiel 16:12. I put a nesem upon your nostrils, and earrings in your ears, and a crown of glory on your head. XI. Hosea 2:15. And I will visit upon her (the apostate Israelite Church) the days of the Baalim, in which she burned incense to them and adorned herself with her nismah. E'2

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TH. BARTHOLINI Ex consideratione & collatione horu locorum Scripturæ sequentia videntur gi: Primò. Nesem ornamenti genus fuisse, mariò quidem & propriè fæminarum, sed dariò autem & quandoque etiam virorum gumento locorum Exod. 32. Exod. 35. Iud Jobi 42. 11. Secundò, materiam fuisse Aurum. Tertio, Adhibitum vel applicatum fuisse ribus, Genes. 24. 47. Proverb. 11. 22. Iesa. Ezech. 16. 12. & Auribus Genes. 35. 4. E 22. 2. 3. Quarto, Israëlitis seu Arabibus in frequ usu fuisse, Iudic. 8. 24. unde Vulgatus Lat Interpres illic reddidit: Inaures enim au Ismaelitæ habere consveverant. Sed & Versiones & Expositiones Veter præsenim Interpretum sunt considerand videndæ: LXX. Græci in omnibus adductis transtulerunt Inaurem: præterqu Jobi 42. 11. ubi verterunt, ἀἰνοῦσιν ἐν. Symmachus interpres cus reddidit ἡπιπινοῦν, & ἡπιγεινοῦν ornam tum nasi. Vulgatus: Inauris. Sed Proverb. 11. 12. culus aureus & Esa. 3. Gemmas in fronte pe tes. Ezech. 16. 12. Et dedi inaurem super tum, Genes. 24. 47. Suspendi itaque inaure ornandam faciem ejus.

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TH. BARTHOLINI From the consideration and comparison of these passages of Scripture the following seem to be gathered: First, that it was a kind of ornament, indeed especially and properly for women, but also, and at times even for men, from the authority of the passages Exod. 32, Exod. 35, Judg., Job 42:11. Second, that its material was gold. Third, that it was applied or attached to the ears, Gen. 24:47, Prov. 11:22, Isa. 3, Ezech. 16:12, and to the ears, Gen. 35:4. Exod. 22. 2. 3. Fourth, that it was in frequent use among the Israelites or Arabs, Judg. 8:24, whence the Vulgate Latin interpreter there rendered: for ear-rings the Ishmaelites were accustomed to have. But the versions and expositions of the ancients, especially of the interpreters, are also to be considered and examined: The Greek LXX in all the passages cited translated it as a nose-ring: except Job 42:11, where they rendered, ἀἰνοῦσιν ἐν. Symmachus the interpreter rendered it ἡπιπινοῦν, and ἡπιγεινοῦν, an ornament of the nose. The Vulgate: Inauris. But Prov. 11:12. a golden ear-ring, and Isa. 3. gems in the forehead. Ezech. 16:12. And I gave an ear-ring upon the nose, Gen. 24:47. I therefore suspended the ear-ring to adorn her face.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 71 In his versionibus observandum, absurdum ideri, quod Græci & Latinus Inaurem, h[oc] e[st] or- amentum aurium, tribuant vel naso, vel onti, vel ori. Factum est id ab eis non pro- riè sumptâ voce, sed , cum propria vox non esset in promptu ornamento i exprimendo. Hinc & recentiores per vo- bulum generalius, Monile sunt interpretati. unc est, quod D. Hieronymus scribit Ezech. 16. erbum Hebraicum Nesem, excepto Symmacho, interpretatus est omnes inaurem, anstulerunt, non quod Inaures ponantur naribus, ex eo, quod de Auribus pendeant, Inaures vo- ntur: sed quod circulus in similitudinem fa- es inaurium, eodem vocabulo nuncupetur. Et que bodie inter cætera ornamenta mulierum so- t aurei circuli in os ex fronte pendere, & im- nere naribus. Itaque & Inauris non opriè vim & significationem vocis Hebrai- exhibent: sed partim propter defectum ocis commodioris: partim propter similitu- nem cum Annulis aurium. Lutherus Germanicè reddidit, Spangen: ören=Spangen: Stirnband (Judic.8. Prov. ) gulden Haarband/ Prover. 11. Iesa. 3. tirnspang. Ubi existimo illum non benè reddidisse, tirnband/ Haarband: non enim fuerunt e vitæ, vel Stirnband/ aut Haarband/ sed culi vel Annuli ex illis dependentes, ut vi- detur: E 4

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 71 In these versions it should be noted as absurd that the Greeks and Latins attribute an earring, that is, an ornament of the ears, either to the nose, the forehead, or the mouth. This was done by them not by taking up the proper word, but because, when no proper word was at hand for expressing the ornament, they used a general term. Hence more recent translators have rendered it by the more general word, Monile. This is what D. Jerome writes on Ezek. 16. He translated the Hebrew word Nesem, except in Symmachus, as all interpreted it, earring; not because earrings are placed on the nostrils—for from their hanging from the ears they are called earrings—but because a ring in the likeness of the face is so named by the same word. And even today, among other female ornaments, there are gold rings hanging from the forehead to the mouth, and penetrating the nostrils. Thus the word Inauris does not properly express the force and meaning of the Hebrew word; rather, partly because of the lack of a more suitable word, and partly because of the similarity to rings of the ears. Luther rendered it in German as, Spangen: öhren-Spangen: Stirnband (Judic. 8. Prov. 1) gulden Haarband/ Prover. 11. Iesa. 3. Stirnspang. Where I think that he did not translate it well, as Stirnband/Haarband: for these were not bands of life, or a Stirnband/Haarband, but rather rings or hoops hanging from them, as it seems: E 4

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detur: nisi forte ipsæ vittæ vel fasciæ una cum annulis fuerint. Iudæi in Versionibus suis Germanis reddunt Nasband. Chaldæi interpretes Kodeschaja, q[ui] Monilia sponsalitia, qualia Sponsus Spon dare solet. In Talmud Hierosolymitano Tr Etatu de Sabbatho cap. 6. fol. 8. col. 2. explic tur Nesem ex loco Iesa. c. 3. per Aliquid quod ponitur supra nasu Rabbi Abraham Aben Ezra Hispan ad Geneseos XXIV, v. 22. scribit: Est Nesem, quod applicatur nribus, & quod applicatur auribus. Author libri qui vocatur Chaskuni ad eudem locum scribit: h. e. Nesem convenit naribus & auribus. Itaque ex his omnibus liquet vocem Nese quæ adhibetur etiam, ut visum in loco Exo 35. denotare tam Ornamentum Narium, quæ Aurium; quamvis existimem propriè signe care ornamentum narium; ratio, quia alibi namenta aurium in eodem loco ab illis disti gvuntur, ubi utrorumque sit mentio. Qualia autem illa ornamenta fuerint, qui ritur? D. Hieronymus in loco supra alleg to dicit esse ornamenta mulierum, & quod circulos, (h. e. anulos) in os ex fronte pendente & naribus imminentes. Non est autem e authoritas contemnenda, ut qui in illis reg nibus vixerit, & praxin earum viderit,

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unless perhaps the very ribbons or bands together with the rings were involved. The Jews in their German versions render it Nasband. The Chaldean interpreters, Kodeschaja, that is, bridal necklaces, such as the bridegroom is accustomed to give. In the Jerusalem Talmud, Tr. tate on the Sabbath, chap. 6, fol. 8, col. 2, it is explained Nesem from the passage Isa. c. 3, as something placed above the nose. Rabbi Abraham Aben Ezra, the Spaniard, on Genesis XXIV, v. 22, writes: It is Nesem, which is applied to the nostrils, and which is applied to the ears. The author of the book called Chaskuni on the same passage writes: i.e. Nesem suits the nostrils and the ears. Therefore from all these things it is clear that the word Nese- m, which is also used, as is seen in the place Exo- 35, denotes both an ornament of the nostrils and one of the ears; although I think it properly signi- fies an ornament of the nostrils; the reason is that elsewhere ornaments of the ears in the same place are distinguished from those of the nose, where both are mentioned. But what sort of ornaments these were, is asked? St. Jerome in the place cited above says that they are ornaments of women, and that circles, that is, rings, hanging before the face and suspended from the nose. But this authority is not to be despised, as one who lived in those regions, and saw their practice,

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 73 : Et usque bodie. Sic testatur Augustinus quæstionibus in Genesin: Mos, inquit, Mauro rum est, ut inaures etiam in naribus habeant ferine. Sic Vulgatus Interpres Prov. 11. dicit, Aureulus aureus. Esa. 3. Gemmas in fronte pen- entes, (auro sc. inclusas & impactas.) Gen. 24. vire ad ornandam faciem. Aben Ezra Hispanus loco modo citato ait: selem narium dependet à filo vel funiculo fronte ligato. Don Isaac Abarbenoi, itidem Hispanus, scri- ut ad locum Iesa. 3. 3. Lechaschim sunt mo- ilia aurium, Tabbaoth sunt ornamenta digito- um manuum; Nisme (quæ nostra est vox) sunt onilia sive ornamenta, quæ applicabant naribus uis, aut pendebant intiariscapitis à funiculo, & de usque ad nares descendebant, vel depende- ant. Hæc ille. NB. Quod ergo Vulgatus Interpres reddi- it, modò circulum aureum in naribus: modò Gemmas in fronte pedentes: modò Inaurem su- eros: modò adornandam faciem: hinc potest onciliari: Gemmæ sunt in fronte pendentes: empe in vitta frontem circumdante, & ab a dependentes: super os: quia ad os usque pendebant: in naribus, quia naribus immine- ant: Adornandam faciem, quia hic genera- s erat finis. Sed & ab ambiguitate vocis Hebraicæ Μη Af, vel Aph vel arietas ista profi- cisci E 5

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DE BIBLICAL DISEASES. 73 : And so to this day. Augustine testifies likewise in his Questions on Genesis: It is the custom, he says, of the Moors to have earrings even in their nostrils. Therefore the Vulgate translator says, in Prov. 11, aureulus aureus. Isa. 3. Gems hanging on the forehead, (sc. enclosed and fixed in gold.) Gen. 24. for adorning the face. Aben Ezra the Spaniard, in the place just cited, says: the ornament of the nostrils hangs from a thread or cord bound on the forehead. Don Isaac Abarbanel, likewise a Spaniard, writes to the passage Isa. 3.3: Lechaschim are the ear ornaments; Tabbaoth are the ornaments of the fingers of the hands; Nisme (which is our word) are the ornaments or decorations which they applied to the nostrils of the nose, or which hung from the hair of the head by a cord, and thus descended even to the nostrils, or hung down. Thus he. NB. Therefore what the Vulgate translator rendered, sometimes a golden ring in the nostrils; sometimes gems hanging on the forehead; sometimes an earring for the ears; sometimes for adorning the face; may be reconciled thus: the gems are hanging on the forehead: namely in a band encircling the forehead, and hanging down from it; over the mouth: because they hung down as far as the mouth; in the nostrils: because they were suspended over the nostrils: for adorning the face: because this was the general purpose. But also from the ambiguity of the Hebrew word Mem Af, or Aph or ram, this can arise E 5

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cisci potuit: quæ Faciem, Vultum ingener & Synechdochicè Nasum significat. XX. Cœcus luto curatus. Ioh. IX. C Ur Christus in sanando cœco linimento pulvere sputo consperso usus sit, quæ Io. Reverovicius Epist. Quæst. 3. responde que Nobilis Virgo Schurmanna. Depulver verò quem nevecoræ ΧIoivor vocat Noanus Paraphr. in Iohannem erudite disserit Dan. Heini sius Exercit. Sacr. c. 8. Idem cœcus αγαρμες dicitur Nonno. Nve terum non pauci ocul los illius à Christo tum creatos tradiderum inter quos Cyprianus, Chrysostomus, Theophilactus Augustinus, quorum verba afferre non va cat. Hos tamen à vero aberrare textus indi cat. Nam vers. 10. aperti dicuntur, non creati oculi. Et commate sequenti fatetur cœcus oculos suos fecisse luto inunctos, quam quam tam facilè fuerit Christo creare, quam aperire oculos. De hujus cœcicuratione ita 1. 7. Carm. 42. lusimus: Præ

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which can mean the face, the countenance, and by synecdoche the nose. XX. The blind man cured with mud. John IX. Whether Christ, in healing the blind man, used an ointment mixed with dust and spittle is answered by Io. Reverovicius in Epist. Quæst. 3, and by the noble virgin Schurmann. On the dust, however, which Noah calls χλοivor, Noanus in his paraphrase on John discusses learnedly Dan. Heinsius, Exercit. Sacr. c. 8. The same blind man is called ἀγάρμες by Nonnus. Indeed, not a few have handed down that his eyes were created by Christ at that time, among whom are Cyprian, Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Augustine, whose words it is not necessary to quote. Yet the text shows that these men are mistaken. For in verse 10 the eyes are said to have been opened, not created. And in the following clause the blind man admits that his eyes had been smeared with mud, although it would have been just as easy for Christ to create eyes as to open them. Concerning this curing of blindness, we have thus played in Book 1, chapter 7, poem 42: Præ

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 75 Prima luto debent nostræ primordia vitæ, Exque luto reficit langvida membra DEUS. Viderat hoc coecus, cujus referantur ocelli, Ut quoque discamus nos meminisse luti. Fingebant & similia miracula Pagani, sed astantibus succum fecerunt. Quæ enim de Vespasiano Imperatore, coecum curante narrat Tacitus 1. 4. Hist. & Svetonius c.7. adulatio- mem sapiunt, ut hoc, quasi DEUS, signo æstimaretur. Reveralus erat, non miraculum quod Cyrolæ Arianorum Antistitum Princips exemplo edocemur. Is quippe cujusdam hominis Ariani supposititii, qui se coecum pretio accepto fingebat, aperire oculos volens, eundem antea quidem optimè videntem, simulac oculos tetigit, re vera coecum reddidit, cui postea, fraudem coram universis detegenti, Eugenius orthodoxus visum confestim signo crucis reddidit, quam hostoriam ex G. Tu- orensi 1. 2. hist. c.3. Baronius recenset. XXI. Lazari morbus. Ioh. XI. A Dêvera. vocatur v.4. communinomenclatura. Suidæ a Dêvera, adura

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 75 The beginnings of our life owe their first formation to mud, and from mud GOD restores our languishing limbs. A blind man had seen this, whose eyes are reported, so that we too may learn to remember the mud. The pagans invented similar miracles, but they made a show to those standing by. For the things that Tacitus relates about the Emperor Vespasian, healing a blind man, and Suetonius, chapter 7, savor of flattery, so that by this sign, as though by GOD, he might be esteemed. It was indeed not a miracle, as we are taught by the example of Cyril, chief of the Arian bishops. For he, wishing to open the eyes of a certain counterfeit Arian man, who pretended to be blind for money received, did in fact, when he touched the eyes of one who had previously seen very well, make him truly blind; and when the man later exposed the fraud before everyone, Eugenius the orthodox at once restored his sight with the sign of the cross, which story Baronius recounts from Gregory of Tours, book 2, history, chapter 3. XXI. The disease of Lazarus. John XI. Called A Dêvera in verse 4 by common nomenclature. Suidas: a Dêvera, adura

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aduvavia. A Nonno in Paraphrasi πούς dicitur ut febris indicari videatur. Nam Medici Græcis, inprimis Hippocrati πούς de febri dicitur, à colore præternaturali, quo corpus velut igne uritur. A Syris & Chaldæis ortum puta Incomparabilis He[n]nius Aristarch. Sacr. c. 24 quibus Νητην, id est πούς, febris dicitur. Cre- do febrem ardentem significari malignam, qua citius ad mortem deproperabat, quam advenire posset Servator. Tertio enim die videatur jugu- lasse Lazarum. Primo enim die decubitus nun- ciatur Christo morbus. Biduo exacto discipulis suis absens dicit, mortuum esse Lazarum, pluribus deinde consumtis in itinere diebus adveniens Servator sepultum invenit. Malignam verò fe- brem ostendit foetor & putredo quarti diei v. 39. & metus Thomæ ne una infect[us] occumberet v. 16 sudore diffluens ante morte, reviviscens calidum sudorem habuit, Nonno interprete, quod capere non potest Magnus Heinsius Aristarch. sacr. c. 24. Non quidem mortui sudant, sed sudorem sudario velant, quem in agone expressit succum- bentis naturæ conatus. Is igitur sudor in cada- vere Lazari frigidus, incaluit sub sudario, cum vitam redderet corpori & calorem Iesus. Hinc quoque malignæ febris capimus signum, monitu Hippocratis in Coacis: οι ἐπίδεξυτες στι Πυρετω, παροῦντες. XXII. De

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aduvavia. According to Nonnus in paraphrase, πούς is said in such a way that the fever seems to be indicated. For among the physicians, especially Hippocrates, πούς is spoken of with respect to fever, from the unnatural color by which the body is as though burned with fire. I think it originated among the Syrians and Chaldeans. Incomparabilis Hennius, Aristarch. Sacr. c. 24, among whom Νητην, that is, πούς, is called fever. I believe a burning fever to be meant, a malignant one, by which he hastened to death sooner than the Savior could come. For on the third day he seems to have slain Lazarus. On the first day the illness is announced to Christ. Two days having passed, he says to his disciples, in his absence, that Lazarus is dead; then, after several more days consumed on the journey, the Savior arriving finds him buried. But a malignant fe- ver is shown by the stench and putrefaction of the fourth day, v. 39, and by Thomas’s fear lest he himself, infected, should perish, v. 16. Sweating profusely before death, when he came back to life he had warm sweat, as Nonnus interprets, which Magnus Heinsius cannot accept, Aristarch. sacr. c. 24. The dead do not indeed sweat, but they cover sweat with a shroud, which in the agony was forced out by the struggle of nature as it was succumbing. That sweat, therefore, in the corpse of Lazarus was cold; it grew warm beneath the shroud, when Jesus restored life and heat to the body. Hence too we gather a sign of malignant fever, by the warning of Hippocrates in the Coacæ: οι ἐπίδεξυτες στι Πυρετω, παροῦντες. XXII. De

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De MORBIS BIBLICIS. 77 XXII. De Hypochondriaci Iudæ proditoris morbo. Iudæ proditoris nefarii morbum mortem- que paucis expendimus in Concilio de Come- pag. 110. seqq. Pergo Commentarium hunc isdem illustrare, quæ tum in mentem cala- mumque venerant. Sunt inter eruditos qui suspicantur, hydrope ventris & cerebriita in- umuisse, ut caput ejus instar dolli esset, hoc- que morbo periisse. Simile quid apud Theo- philactum legerunt, sed non satis attentè. Ille enim in Scholio ad Matth. c. 27. præmissis alio- um de Iudæ supplicio opinionibus, suam andem sententiam deprompturus, asserit, quod posuerit collum in laqueum, seque ab arbore suspenderit, arbore autem ad terram inclinata supervixerit, Deo volente ipsum vel in poenitentiam conservare vel in confusio- nem: alios autem dicere, quod hydropico morbo correptus per meatum transire non posset, per quem poterat plaustrum transire, deinde ceciderit pronus, & medium crepue- sit. Papiæ apud Oecumenium id fuit commen- um, quod rejicit Casaubonus. Laqueo vivam inivisse plerique asserunt, Vulgata Versio & B. Augustinus 1. 4 de Civ. Dei c. 17. ne plures advo- cem

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On BIBLICAL DISEASES. 77 XXII. On the disease of Judas the traitor, the Hypochondriac. We have briefly considered the disease and death of Judas the wicked traitor in the treatise on De Com - pag. 110. et seq. I proceed to illustrate this commentary with the same points that then came to mind and to pen. There are among the learned those who suspect that he died of dropsy of the belly and brain, so that his head was like a barrel, and that he perished from this disease. They have read something similar in Theophylact, but not with sufficient attention. For in the Scholia on Matthew, ch. 27, after setting forth the opinions of others concerning Judas’ punishment, when he is about to state his own judgment at last, he asserts that he put his neck in the noose and hanged himself from a tree; but that the tree, bending to the ground, he survived, God willing either to preserve him for repentance or for disgrace. Others, however, say that, afflicted with the dropsical disease, he could not pass through the opening through which a cart could pass, then fell prone, and burst in the middle. In Papiæ apud Oecumenium this was the comment, which Casaubon rejects. Most assert that he entered the noose while still alive, as the Vulgate Version and St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei 1. 4, ch. 17, testify; I need not summon more witnesses.

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78 TH. BARTHOLINI cem: At postea supervixisse arbore inclinata quam sicum esse à Christo antea condemnatam, nonnulli fingunt, a Montacutio explosi nullius idonei testimonio evincitur. Fuisse strangulatum credimus Matth. c. 27. sed à quo non æquè liquet. Anÿγαλο enim passionem notat, voxque Medica est Hippocrati usitata cui 2. Aph. 43. αναγχόμω ο est qui strangulatur. Versio Æthiopica pressè Matthæum seqvuta, strangulatum ait & obiisse. Sive igitur ab interno animi moerore, & angustia cordis interceptus illisit spiritus, quod hypochon driaci & hysterici non rarò patiuntur, de qui bus multa ex Magistris erudita congestit Hein suis Exercit. N. T. sive ipse melancholicus rebus suis desperans, Satanæ auxilio fauces sibi præcluserit, penes me non dijudicabitur. S illi alii apud Theophylactum, aqua intercuitem laborasse probaverint, facile concipiemus quod alibi Actor. 1. 18. legimus, eum medium crepuisse, idque cum sonitu, quod verbum λην χεῦsonat, quemadmodum ferè dissentus in hydrope venter vel membrana vesica inflata disrumpi potest. Quomodo autem pronuntiatus? Certè difficillimè spiritum trahunt melancholici & hydropici suffocato corde copi aquarum. vel ab inferioribus presso, & nimium animi moeror facillimè hydropem advocat. Tali autem habitu prono in terram vultu melancholicorum in morem fuisse Iudam, suspicari possem ex Actor. 1. quod περνων[us] fuerit quod

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78 TH. BARTHOLINI cem: But afterward he survived, hanging from a bent tree, which some, falsely claiming that he was condemned to it beforehand by Christ, have invented; but this is refuted by Montacutius, and is proved by no sufficient testimony. We believe that he was strangled, Matt. ch. 27, but by whom is not equally clear. For Anyaγαλο denotes the passion, and is a medical word used by Hippocrates, to whom in 2. Aph. 43. αναγχόμω ο is one who is strangled. The Ethiopic version, closely following Matthew, says that he was strangled and died. Whether therefore he was cut off by inward grief of mind and anguish of heart, his spirit having been driven back, which hypochondriacs and hysterics not rarely suffer, concerning whom Hein- sius in his Exercitations on the New Testament has gathered much learned matter; or whether, himself melancholy and despairing of his affairs, he shut his own throat with the aid of Satan, I shall not decide. If others, as in Theophylact, have proved that he suffered from dropsy, we may readily understand what we read elsewhere, Acts 1. 18, that he burst asunder in the middle, and that with a sound; that word ληνχεῦ sounds as it were, just as in dropsy the belly or the membrane of the bladder, swollen with air, can be torn apart. But how was he pronounced? Certainly the melancholy and the dropsical draw breath most difficultly, with the heart suffocated by a copious flow of waters, or pressed from below; and excessive grief of mind most easily summons dropsy. In such a posture, then, with face turned to the ground after the manner of melancholics, Judas was, as I might suspect from Acts 1, since he had been perνων[us] that

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De MORBI BIBLICIS. 79 rod Æthiops vertit, projectus fuit interram per faciem suam, Syrus cecidit in faciem su- m, Arabs, prostratus in faciem cadens, Si tur ab interno principio animæ commeatus dæ melancholico obstructus fuit, præceps in um lapidosum factus, tumidum aqua & atra e ventrem discumpere potuit, ut viscera in- na effunderentur. Ita narrat Mich. Io. Pa- alius l. 1. Meth. Cur. Morb. c. 44. Demu- re Ascitica, quæ ex casu in lapidem vulnera- per vulnus ventris subito omnem aquam acuarit, & in animi deliquium inciderit, od mirum non fuit ex Aph. 17. Sect. 6. Visce autem omnia exinde expulsa, iræ Divinæ scribendum, sicut de Arrio hæretico ferunt sedem se contulisse atque ex templo pro- m cecidisse ac medium crepuisse, effusis vi- ribus. Nulla tamen causa est, cur de mi- ri supplicio cogitemus, quod maximum e debuit, quo sceleratæ illius traditionis com- sum augeretur potius quam expiaretur. quanquam nos his fatigemus, hydrocephali men in Theophylacto nullum indicium repe- rimus. Nos enim uidepum correptus dicitur. nulla parte deter- minata. XXIII.

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On Biblical Diseases. 79 the Ethiopian turned, was cast to the ground on his face; the Syrian fell on his face; the Arab, prostrated, fell face downward. If the passage of the soul from within was obstructed by a melancholic cause, then, driven headlong into a stony one, the swollen belly, filled with water and black bile, could burst, so that the entrails were poured out. So relates Mich. Io. Paulius, l. 1. Meth. Cur. Morb. c. 44. The ascitic disease, which from a fall upon a stone was wounded through a wound in the belly, suddenly discharged all the water and fell into fainting; this was no wonder, according to Aph. 17. Sect. 6. But after all the viscera had been expelled therefrom, it should be referred to divine wrath, as they say of the heretic Arius, that he turned aside to a seat and fell from the temple, and burst in the middle, his strength spent. Yet there is no reason why we should think of a miraculous punishment, which ought rather to have been greatest, by which the increase of that wicked tradition would be heightened rather than expiated. Although we weary ourselves with these things, in Theophylactus we find no indication of hydrocephalus. For he is said to have been seized by uidepum, with no part determined. XXIII.

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TH. BARTHOLINI XXIII. Herodes verminosus. Act. XII, 23. Percussus ab Angelo Tyrannus Herodes i stas poenas dedit. Nam à vermibus erosus obiit, idque maximis obe tis torminibus, Iosepho annotante. Alii pht riasin hic inferunt, verminationem alii. terioribus calculum addimus. Nam vermem notat, non pediculum. Pedicula morbi exempla passim extant. Non paucis verminantis. Vermes quippe à putredinem mnes corporis partes infestant, internas pa ter & externas, ut observationum Libri testa tur. In ipso sangvine putridarum febrium vermes observavit Kircherus de Peste, in ver sezione quoque Petr. Borellus c. 3. Obs. 4. no que Hatniæ similia vidimus. Hinc cor pto sangvine & verminosonon mirum sit tum corpus verminosum fiat. Verminos rum exempla recitat Marcellus Donatus de Med. Hist. Mirab. c. 5. 1. 1. Herodi à vermib eroso, quia conveniunt, cum delectu pau ex illis ad usum nostrum seligemus: Illustri mus quidam, cujus nomen consultò retice lubet, ita obæso corporis habitu præditus fu ut in ingentem molem ex crescente pingve

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TH. BARTHOLINI XXIII. Herodous verminous. Acts XII, 23. The tyrant Herod, struck by an Angel, suffered these punishments. For he died gnawed by worms, and that with very great torments, as Josephus notes. Some bring in phthisis here, others vermination. We add the following in support. For it denotes a worm, not a louse. Examples of louse-infested disease are found everywhere. Not a few of verminous affliction. For worms, arising from putrefaction, infest all parts of the body, both internal and exter- nal, as the Books of observations testify. In the blood itself of putrid fevers Kircher observed worms, in the ver- sion also Petr. Borellus, c. 3. Obs. 4; and we have seen similar things in Hænius. Hence, if the blood is cor- rupted and wormy, it is not surprising that the whole body becomes wormy. Marcellus Donatus recounts examples of verminous disease, De Med. Hist. Mirab. c. 5. l. 1. Since those of Herod, gnawed by worms, agree, with some selection, we shall choose a few from them for our use: a certain very illustrious man, whose name I prefer to withhold deliberately, was endowed with such a corpulent habit of body that he grew into an immense mass from increasing fatness

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 81 e carnis, pingvedinisque plexuræ circa col- am & in abdomenine quam maximæ conspice- nitur, in quorum medio cum æstatis tempo- e dolore coepisset, convocatis ministris, quid- am mali subrus latitaret, aspicerent manda- rit, quo facto primum exesam cum in venere, postmodum procedente tempore erumpentes ermiculos conspiciunt persimiles illis, quos antiquiori corrupto caseo occultari aliquan- o videmus, quod malum cum nullis præsi- us profligari potuisset, tandem strenuum eroem, neci tradidit. Sic & Galerium Ma- milianum, seu Maximinum Imperatorem ermibus ab ingvinibus erumpentibus obiisse adit Pomponius lætus in Comp. Rom. Hist. ribit in Melpomene Herodotus Pheretrinam u Pheretinam Barcæorum Reginam immani udelitate feminam Deorum ultione totam ermibus putruisse, eoque morbo miseram vomuisse animam. Herodem hujus avum, ii vermibus exigvine prorumpentibus, alii ediculari morbo excessisse ferunt. Iosephus de Bell. Iud. c. 21. de Herode, Patre Arche- i, testatur, putredine virilis membri vermi- culos generante interiisse. Συωλητηνα vocat, ermiculos nempe, non pediculos. Ex habi- corporis vermes, putrida carne musculosa, sangvine corrupto, magno dolore pro- eunt. Ex intestinis quoque à lumbricis ero- mors in propinquo est, quod exemplis in- nitis docent ægri. Hinc torminum Hero- dis F

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 81 of flesh and fatty tissue, and the greatest swelling was seen around the navel and in the abdomen; in the midst of which, when in the summer season he had begun to suffer pain, he ordered his attendants, after they had been summoned, to look and see what evil was lurking beneath, and when this had been done they first saw the part eaten away, and then, as time went on, worms bursting out, very similar to those which we sometimes see hidden in aged and corrupted cheese; and since this disease could not be driven away by any remedies, at last it handed the vigorous man over to death. Thus Pomponius Laetus also writes in Comp. Rom. Hist. that Galerius Maximianus, or the Emperor Maximinus, died from worms bursting out from the groin. Herodotus writes in Melpomene that Pheretrina, or Pheretina, queen of the Barcaeans, a woman of monstrous cruelty, by the vengeance of the gods rotted away entirely with worms, and that wretchedly gave up her soul because of that disease. Some say that Herod, her grandfather, died with worms bursting from the groin; others, of a pedicular disease. Josephus, Bell. Iud. c. 21, testifies concerning Herod, father of Archelaus, that he perished, his private member being corrupted by putrefaction and generating worms. He calls them συωλητηνα, that is, worms, not lice. From the constitution of the body, worms come forth from flesh that has putrefied, from fleshly swelling, from corrupted blood, with great pain. And from the intestines too, when worms are born from roundworms, death is near, as the sick themselves teach by their examples. Hence Herod's torment F

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TH. BARTHOLINI discusam repetit Ioh. de Mey l. 2. Comm. Phyl c. 4. Magni certè in loco dolores, etiam sine vermibus, excitantur à quavis materia acri 8 pungente, quæ vermes imitatur. Hinc ver mina dicuntur Festo dolores corporis cum quodam minuto motu, quasi à vermibus scindatur, qui dolor dicitur Græcè , Tales perpetui Tisameni mulierem excruciant apud Hippocratem 3. Epid. 26. quem illustrans in Selectis Medicis c. 8. Ioh. Ant. v der Linden s. 43. distingvit dolorem tormino sum à verminoso, illum utrique intestino est communem, hunccolo proprium. Cæterum phthiriasin si quis Herodi assignaverit, no repugnarim. Neque enim meliora fata fastus ejus merebatur, dignus tormentis Acrido phagorum, de quibus Diodorus Siculus l. 4. Rex Antiq. Nam propinquante senecta pediculalati non solum visu vari, sed specie horridi ac turpes in corporibus nati, ventrem primò tum pectus, deinde totum corpus parvo tempore exedunt; qui morbum patitur primùm veluti scabiei cujusdam pruritu allectus, corpus scalpit, voluptate simul & dolore perceptis, deinde exeuntibus pediculis simul effluente sanie, morbi acerbitate ac dolore percitu ungvibus corpus magno cum gemitu lacera tanta vero vermium copia effluit aliis super alios tanquam ex perforato vase scaturientibus, ut deleri nequeant. Illi quidem ciborum vitio, hic DEI quoque vindicta per-

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TH. BARTHOLINI discusses it again, Ioh. de Mey, l. 2. Comm. Phyl c. 4. Truly, great pains are excited in the place, even without worms, by any acrid and biting matter, which imitates worms. Hence vermina are called by Festus bodily pains with a certain slight motion, as though it were torn by worms, which pain is called in Greek, such continuous pains torment Tisamenus’ woman in Hippocrates, 3. Epid. 26, which Ioh. Ant. van der Linden, illustrating it in Selectis Medicis c. 8, p. 43, distinguishes the colicky pain from the verminous one: the former is common to both intestines, the latter proper to the colon. For the rest, if anyone should assign phthiriasis to Herod, I would not object. For indeed his arrogance deserved no better fate, worthy of the torments of the Acridophagi, of whom Diodorus Siculus, l. 4, Rex Antiq., speaks. For with old age approaching, louse-born creatures are produced, not only various in appearance, but horrid in form and ugly in the body; they first consume the belly, then the chest, and then the whole body in a short time; he who suffers from the disease first, as though attracted by the itching of some scab, scratches his body, experiencing pleasure and pain at once; then, as the lice come out and the pus flows away at the same time, being struck by the severity and pain of the disease, he tears his body with his nails, with great groaning; and indeed so great a swarm of worms pours out, one upon another as though gushing from a perforated vessel, that they cannot be destroyed. Those indeed arise from corruption of the food, but this one also by the vengeance of God, per-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 83 De simili morbo Antiochi vide Iosephum Gorionis. Ferchardus Scotorum Rex morbo pediculari corpus exedente obiisse ob tyranni- dem narratur à Buchanano 1. V. Hist. Scot. Et ama est Philippus II. Hispaniarum Regem. milia passum esse De quo tamen inter se non conveniunt Annales istius temporis. Quicquid sit tam vermes in corpore, quam ediculi ex proprio cujusque seminio in sin- gulari putredine se exserente generantur. Sin- ula enim animalia suos habent vermes, imò ngulæ arbores, adeo diversos, ut hujus arbo- s vermes ad aliam translatæ supervivere non possint. XXIV. De D. Pauli dolore pun- gente. 2. Corinth. 12. Ugnis seconiundi queritur, seu digitorum condylis, sicut ex Varino expli- t Matth. Martinius in Etymologico. An dolores vagi fuerunt, qui caput variis re- us intentum inquietabant? An capitis dolo- s exinde orti? Singularis hic est Haymon E- scopus Halberstadiensis, quem sub Ludovi- pio Caroli Magni filio morruum Anno Do- mini 1334. testatur Iohannes Trichinius Abbas F Span

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On Biblical Diseases. 83 On a similar disease of Antiochus, see Josephus Gorionis. Ferchardus, King of the Scots, is said to have died of a body-consuming louse disease, because of his tyranny, as Buchanan narrates, 1. V. Hist. Scot. And it is said that Philip II, King of Spain, suffered thousands. But regarding this the annals of that time do not agree among themselves. Whatever the case may be, both worms in the body and lice are generated from each one's own seed, when it is produced in a particular rottenness. For individual animals have their own worms, indeed even individual trees, so different that the worms of one tree when transferred to another cannot survive. XXIV. On the stinging pain of St. Paul. 2 Corinthians 12. Agnis seconiundi complains, or of the joints of the fingers, as Matth. Martinius explains from Varinus in the Etymologicum. Or were they wandering pains, which disturbed the head, intent on various objects? Or were headaches born from that? A singular example here is Haymon, Bishop of Halberstadt, whom under Louis, the son of Charlemagne, to have died in the year of the Lord 1334, Johannes Trichinius, Abbot of Span

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Spanheimensis. Is in interpretatione hujus loci colaphum de ardore libidinis per Diabolum accenso potius exponit, quam de doloro capitis. Quia paucorum manibus teritur ipsum loquentem inducam: Ne in superbib[us] tumorem eytolleretur, permisus est tentari Diabolo de ardore libidinis, quem appella stimulum carnis. Ut enim dicunt Doctores stimulus propriè timoris & libidinis est, ipsum que stimulum carnis à quo pangebatur & accendebatur, vocat angelum Satanæ, id est nuntium Diaboli, quia à Diabolo immittebatur ei illa talis stimulatio concupiscentiæ. quandocunque Apostolus patiebatur illam stimulationem, sciebat illam à Diabolo sibi immitti. Sed Dominus, qui permittebat illum colaphizari, id est, affligi & tribulari à tentationi Diaboli, ne in superbiam erigeretur, cognoscendo suam fragilitatem, ipse utique custodiet bat eum, ne in vitium libidinis caderet. Unde apparet, quia per venenum fugabat venenum Venenum libidinis & tentatio carnis, fugabat ab illo venenum superbia. Syriaca versio vocat pruritum carnis, nuntium Satanæ. Æthiopia: pungit me corpore meo. Chrysostom homil. 26. & Theophylactus Comm. in h. 1. Cephalgiam repudiantes, quia ipse imperium Satanam habebat, adversariorum tribulationes, Alexandri ærarii, Hymenæi & Phtleti eu expertum scribunt, siquidem Satan Ebræa lit gva adversarium sonat, Inquietudinem & to met

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Spanheimensis. In his interpretation of this passage, he explains the “buffet” rather as a burning of lust kindled by the Devil than as a headache. Since the passage is worn by few hands, I will quote the speaker himself: “Lest he should be lifted up by pride, he was allowed to be tried by the Devil with the burning of lust, which I call the thorn in the flesh. For, as the Doctors say, the thorn is properly a matter of fear and lust; and the thorn in the flesh, by which he was pricked and inflamed, he calls an angel of Satan, that is, a messenger of the Devil, because that incitement of desire was sent to him by the Devil. Whenever the Apostle suffered that incitement, he knew that it was sent to him by the Devil. But the Lord, who permitted him to be buffeted, that is, afflicted and troubled by the temptation of the Devil, so that he might not be lifted up in pride, by recognizing his own frailty, would surely also guard him, lest he fall into the vice of lust. Hence it appears that he drove out poison by poison: the poison of lust and the temptation of the flesh drove away from him the poison of pride.” The Syriac version calls it “the itching of the flesh, a messenger of Satan.” The Ethiopic: “it pricks me in my body.” Chrysostom, Homily 26, and Theophylact, Comm. in h. l., rejecting the view of a headache, write that the adversaries’ tribulations, the Athenian treasury, and the trials of Hymenaeus and Philetus were experienced by him, since Satan in the Hebrew language sounds like “adversary,” unrest and trouble.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 85 mentum corporale plerique exponunt. Illia- am passionem à Satana concitatem Nicolaus de Lira in Comment. vel carnis concupiscen- iam. XXV. Timothei infirmitates vi- no curandæ. I. Tim. 5. Dyspepsiam & cæteras infirmitates Timothei juvenis à frigiditate & humilitate ventricu- re deduxeris, quæ mala auxere assiduæ of- cii demandati lucubrationes, quibus vino suc- currit D. Paulus, sed . Quale illud fuerit, non satis convenit inter eruditos. Henricus Sme- us lib. XI. Miscell. Med. prolixus est in explica- one consilii Apostolici, tandemque concludit, on , quod non calefacit, sed fuisse, sapore sub austrum, quod laxom stoma- num firmat, vel etiam subacre, quia potentius, abstantia mediocri, perspicua vel tenui, qui facilè enetrat, urinasque movet. adeoque Chio aut esbio, aut Ephesio, aut etiam Timolite vino modicousum Timotheum adversus ventri- li imbellicitates. de quantitate, hujus idem opinione, accipiendum, non de imbe- lli, aut vino aquoso. De colato, seu debili, F 3 emen-

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On Biblical Diseases. 85 most interpret as bodily matter. Nicolaus de Lyra in his Commentary explains the passion kindled by Satan, or the lust of the flesh. XXV. The infirmities of Timothy are to be cured with wine. 1 Tim. 5. If you deduce Timothy’s dyspepsia and other infirmities, as a young man, from the coldness and weakness of the stomach, evils increased by the continual night-watches demanded by his office, against which St. Paul provides wine, yet what sort of wine that was is not sufficiently agreed among the learned. Henricus Smeus, in lib. XI of the Miscell. Med., is prolix in explaining the apostolic counsel, and finally concludes that it was not wine that warms, but that it was with a southern flavor, which strengthens a loose stomach, or even somewhat sharp, because more potent, of moderate substance, clear or thin, which easily penetrates and promotes urine; and thus Timothy was moderately supplied with Chian, or Lesbian, or Ephesian, or even Thasian wine against the weakness of the stomach. As to the quantity, it must be understood according to this same opinion, not of weak or watery wine. Concerning strained, or weakened, ...

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emendat textum D. Gregorii Doctissimus Me curialis 1.6. Var. Lect. c.29. quasi Vir beatiss[imus] instar Timothei illius ob stomachi debilitatem, vina debilia & juscula non sustinere sed validioribus indigeret, ob idque primum sumeret Coum, deinde Gnidium Quantitatem hic definit Apostolus, ne generosi vini copi caput invaderet. Chrysostomi eadem sententia homil.16. inh.1. Licet, inquit, ille & stomach cho & aliis morbis esset obnoxius; non tamen ipsu[m] vino permittit implere, sed ad sanitatem, non addidit lic ias præcipit bibere. Ita quoque Italicè rec[ei]d didit Deodatus, un poro di vino. Parum vini seu modicum. Ad robur ventriculi & aliarum partium requirebatur vinum generosium non oligophorum, nec dilutum, quod ex Hippocrates de Rat. Vict. Acut. pro resiciendis viru[m] bus inutile, stomachumque refrigerat potium quam calefacit. Dulcia vina ad anadossin ventriculi confortandam & digestionem commendat Gælenus 1.3. de Alim. Facult. Fuva quoque alba, odora, substantia tenuia a succi bonitatem conferre & roborare docet idem 1.4. de Sanit. Tuend. c.6. Sed mundum servare vult Apostolus. Ei enim, optimè ex Ruffo Cribasius 1.6. Collect. Medicin[i] c.7. qui moderatè bibit vinum, & voluptatem & humanitatem & bonam valetudinem affert. Consultissimus Ernstius, Amicus noster, dum vixit, honorandus, 1.2. Observ. c.4. olivor oivor mavult de qualitate vini, quam quan

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The most learned Mercurialis, Var. Lect. 1.6, c.29, emends the text of St. Gregory, as though the most blessed man, like that Timothy, because of weakness of the stomach, could not tolerate weak wines and broths, but needed stronger ones; and therefore would first take Coan wine and then Cnidian wine. Here the Apostle defines the quantity, lest an abundance of generous wine should invade the head. Chrysostom holds the same opinion, Hom. 16 on 1 Tim. 1: “Although,” he says, “that man was subject both to stomach troubles and to other diseases, he nevertheless does not allow him to fill himself with wine, but for health’s sake, not adding permission, he commands him to drink.” So too Deodatus rendered it into Italian: “un poro di vino,” that is, a little wine, or a moderate amount. For the strengthening of the stomach and of the other parts, generous wine was required, not scanty wine and not diluted wine; and according to Hippocrates, de Rat. Vict. Acut. , it is useless for expelling humors and cools the stomach more than it warms it. Galen, de Alim. Facult. 1.3, recommends sweet wines for strengthening the digestion of the stomach and aiding digestion. He likewise teaches, de Sanit. Tuend. 1.4, c.6, that white, fragrant grapes, by their light substance, contribute to and strengthen the goodness of the juice. But the Apostle wishes it to be kept pure. For, as Cribasius says very well from Ruffus, Collect. Medicin. 1.6, c.7, he who drinks wine moderately brings pleasure, sociability, and good health. The most judicious Ernstius, our friend, worthy of honor while he lived, Observ. 1.2, c.4, prefers ... concerning the quality of wine, than wha

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 87 quantitate: [n]o[n] [L]iq[ui]or enim significare apud pro- atos Scriptores, parvum, exilem, & tenuem: vare quoque magis stomachum vinum [n]o[n] [L]iq[ui] [ph]o[s]o & exile, quam vinum generosum, uod difficilioris sit concoctionis. Difficile amen trahor in istam explicationem, cum [ph]i[n]i[n]g [ph]i[n]i apud Græcorum Principem, quem [ph]i[n]se Vir Doc[tor]us affert, non qualitatem, sed quantitatem notet. Nam [n]o[n] [L]iq[ui]o[n] [ph]i[n]i [ph]i[n]i iad. [ph]o. parvus homo est, & [n]o[n] [L]iq[ui]n [ph]i[n]i dyss. 5. parva mensa. Quantitas & hic & si hominis & mensæ determinatur, neuti- uam qualitas, quæ in magnitudine vel exi- ate non consistit. Generosum autem vinum, [ph]i[n]i[n] sit, vel modicè sumatur, stomacho nerosum non est. Cæterum de vini quali- tibus consulendi Fr. Anton. Caserta Tr. de- lat. & Usu Vinor. Petr. [ph]il. Andr. Canonberius de dm. Vin. Virtut. Phil. Fac. Sachs in Ampelo- aphia, ut alios præteream. Singularis etiam c est Haymon, sed in modico vino consentit. cujus sententia à vino non debuit abstine- Timotheus, ne infirmaretur amplius, si as- etis abstineret, adeoque non posset postmo- um divino operi insistere, ideo jubetur vino odico uti, quoniam si vinum cum temperan- & sobrietate quis biberit, levamen corpori æstat. Sed aberrat à linearubricæ. Aquam im ante bibisse indicatur v. 19. non vinum, uod tunc sanitatis gratia concedebatur. uærit denique Haymon, quare Patrem Pu- blii E 4

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 87 in quantity: for non liquor among approved writers signifies small, slender, and thin: and wine likewise, rather than a generous wine, does not more disturb the stomach if it is non-liquor and slender, since it is more difficult of digestion. Yet I am drawn with difficulty to that explanation, since fining among the Greek author, whom the learned doctor cites, notes not quality but quantity. For non liquor finii in Iad. 1 signifies a small man, and non liquor finii in dyss. 5 a small table. Quantity here and there is determined in respect both of a man and of a table, not quality, which does not consist in bigness or smallness. But a generous wine, if it is fini , or taken in moderation, is not harmful to the stomach. Besides, concerning the qualities of wine, consult Fr. Anton. Caserta, Tr. de lat. & Usu Vinor. Petr. Phil. Andr. Canonberius, de dm. Vin. Virtut. Phil. Fac. Sachs, in Ampelographia , to omit others. Haymon is also singular here, but he agrees in the use of moderate wine, whose opinion Timothy ought not to have abstained from wine, lest he become weaker still, if he abstained from drinking wine, and so would not afterwards be able to continue in the divine work; therefore he is ordered to use a moderate amount of wine, since if anyone drinks wine with temperance and sobriety, it gives relief to the body. But he strays from the line of the rubric. It is indicated in v. 19 that he had first drunk water, not wine, which was then allowed for the sake of health. Finally Haymon inquires why the father of Publii E 4

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bili dysenteria laborantem solo verbo sanat Apostolus, & discipulum suum Timotheum non sanat nisi per vinum. Respondet, illum in fidelem miraculo debuisse sanari, hunc minimi Theophylactus nescio quid infert, ut homineos esse credamus. Seqvutus verò est Pauli Magistri sui vestigia, qui subinde solo verbo contactu, subinde, additis remediis naturali bus coecos aliosque restituit. Magni enim artificiis est varia artis suæ specimina ostentare, Medici, curandi rationem nonnunquam immutare. XXVI. De præputio adducendæ 1. Cor. VII, 18. Circumcisus quis est, un Thomas Io. ne addat præputium. Vel id voluptatis gratia factum, vel elegantiæ. Voluptatem enim majorem Ebrææ feminæ hodieque deprædicant, si cum homine concubuerint, cui v nunquam præputium defuit, vel arte resarcitum est. Rabbi qui scripsit Librum Aruch a locum Ierem. 9. Ecce prope adsunt dies, cum animadvertam in omnes qui circumcisi sui cum præputio: Li sunt, inquit, qui postquam circumcisi essent, præputium attraxere.

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He heals a man suffering from dysentery by a single word, but the Apostle does not heal his disciple Timothy except by wine. He replies that the one should have been healed by a miracle in his infirmity, the other by the least means. Theophylactus inserts I know not what, so that we may believe them to be human beings. He followed, however, the footsteps of his Master Paul, who at one time restored by a single word, at another by touch, and at another, with natural remedies added, cured the blind and others. For it is the mark of a great physician to display the various proofs of his art, and sometimes to change the method of treatment. XXVI. On the foreskin to be brought in 1 Cor. VII, 18. If someone is circumcised, let him not add a foreskin. Whether this was done for the sake of pleasure or of elegance. For Hebrew women even today extol the greater pleasure if they have lain with a man to whom the foreskin has never been lacking, or has been artificially restored. A rabbi who wrote the Book Aruch, at the passage in Jeremiah 9, Behold, the days are near when I will take notice of all who are circumcised with a foreskin: these, he says, are those who, after they had been circumcised, drew on a foreskin.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 89 es Ægyptii, qui circumcisi erant vivente Jo- pho, sed eo defuncto, odio gentis, adduxisse bi arte quadam præputia, ne quidquam com- mune haberent cum Israëlitis. Sed hunc re- llit Petr. Cunæus 1. 3. Rep. Ebr. c. 5. mansisse nim circumcisionis morem postea apud Ægy- tios testatur Herodotus, Strabo, B. Hierony- eus. Locum hunc Dn. Paulli, idem B. Hier- onymus, eumque secutus Haymon, de coeliba- m explicat: non enim esse potestatis nostræ præ- utium adducere post circumcisionem. Sed pponit Cunæus Medicorum consensum & hi- toriarum fidem. Nam in Macchabæorum li- ris scriptum est, filios Tobiæ fecisse sibi præpu- a uti Græcis essent similes, cujus certus est au- nor quoque Fl. Iosephus. Hinc abripuit Hie- onymum & Haymonem coelibis vitæ amor nimi- s. Ex Medicis suppetias ego feram. Brevitas præputii quomodo corrigatur per membranam additam vel sectione circa scrotum prolixè tradit Callopius 1. de Decorat. cap. 9. & ante illum. Egineta 1. 6. R. M. c. 53. quam tamen operatio- em raram ait, qvum neque functionis aliquam difficultatem hæc affectio inducat, neque ita de- borem vitiet ut hujus chirurgiæ tormentum subi- equis sustineat. In eo qui circumcisus est tegendæ landis modum describens Celsus 1. 7. c. 25. sub circulo glandis scalpello diducit cutem ab inte- iore cole, resolutam autem cutem rursus ex- pendit ultra glandem, tum multa aqua frigida F 5 fover,

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On Biblical Diseases. 89 The Egyptians, who had been circumcised while Joseph was still alive, but after his death, out of hatred for the nation, are said to have brought back the foreskin by some artifice, so that they might have nothing in common with the Israelites. But Petr. Cunaeus refutes this in Rep. Ebr. 1. 3, c. 5. Herodotus, Strabo, and B. Hieronymus testify that the practice of circumcision nevertheless remained later among the Egyptians. B. Hieronymus, and Haymon following him, explain this passage of Dn. Paulli as referring to celibacy: for it is not in our power to bring back the foreskin after circumcision. But Cunaeus opposes the agreement of physicians and the credibility of histories. For in the books of the Maccabees it is written that the sons of Tobia made foreskins for themselves, so that they might be like the Greeks, and this fact is also confirmed by Fl. Josephus. Hence the love of the celibate life carried Jerome and Haymon away too far. I, for my part, will bring aid from the physicians. How the shortness of the foreskin may be corrected by an added membrane or by an incision around the scrotum is described at length by Callopius, 1. de Decorat. c. 9, and before him by Aegineta, 1. 6. R. M. c. 53; yet he says this operation is a rare one, since this condition brings with it no difficulty in function, nor does it so disfigure the organ that one should endure the torment of this surgery for it. Describing the method of covering the glans in one who has been circumcised, Celsus, 1. 7, c. 25, with the scalpel, under the circle of the glans, separates the skin from the inner penis; then, having loosened the skin, he stretches it again over the glans, and then bathes it with much cold water. F 5 fover,

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TH. BARTHOLINI sovet, emplastrumque circa dat, quod vale tem inflammationem reprimat: Ubi jam sic inflammatione est, deligat a pube usque ci culum, super glandem autem adverso empl stro imposito inducit, sic enim fit, ut inferi pars glutinetur, superior ita sanescat ne in hæreat. Non aliter Galenus l. 14. Meth. Me c. 16. si chirurgia curetur. Alios tamen mu dos annotat & solam tensionem addita me branula molli firma que cum gummi agglu nata, & thapsia. Mysticum sensum appro bat Rhodius noster Dissert. de Acia c. 6. con tra quem quæ in Epistola quadam ad summu Medicum Ioh. Casp. Bauhinum disputat ex He bræorum antiquitatibus harum rerum periti simus Iohannes Buxtorffius Filius, huc transcri bam, ne hac eruditione privetur Lector, per eatque inter blattas & tineas meas privata ha ad amicum scriptio. Pag. 72. & seqq. quædam haber de præputi Nam illud abscissum iterum recrescere vel redu queat? & in Negativam sententiam descen dit. Hinc locum Pauli 1. ad Corinth. 7. 1. & 1. Machab. 1. 12. cum aliis mysticè exponi & præterea hanc sententiam Rabbinis illic à consultis probari scribit, qui negant, apu majores suos talis artificii memoriam depres hendi. Nolo Medicè quæstionem illam di sputare: si tamen, quæ ex Hebræis ea de re me observata sunt, legere non pigebit, in du bium, ni fallor, vocari illa poterit; saltem liqui bi

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TH. BARTHOLINI advises, and applies a plaster around it, so that the inflammation may be checked: when it is already inflamed, he binds it from the pubes down to the ring, but over the glans he applies the plaster on the opposite side; for thus the lower part is made to adhere, and the upper heals in such a way that it does not stick together. Galen likewise, l. 14. Meth. Med. c. 16., if surgery is used for the cure. He notes, however, other methods, and merely tension with a soft membranule added, firm and glued together with gum, and thapsia. Our Rhodius approves the mystical sense, Diss. de Acia c. 6. Against this, what the most learned Johannes Buxtorffius the Younger disputed in a certain letter to the most eminent physician Joh. Casp. Bauhinus from the antiquities of the Hebrews concerning these matters, I transcribe here, lest the reader be deprived of this learning, and lest it perish among my private papers, books, and moths; a private letter to a friend. Page 72 and following contain something about the foreskin. Namely, can that which has been cut off grow again or be restored? And he descends to a negative opinion. Hence he interprets mystically the passage of Paul, 1 Cor. 7.1, and 1 Macc. 1.12, together with others; and furthermore he writes that this opinion is approved by the Rabbis consulted there, who deny that among their elders the memory of such an art could be found. I do not wish to discuss that question medically; nevertheless, if one does not mind reading what I have observed on that matter from the Hebrews, it may, I think, be called into doubt; at least, it may be made clear

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 91 Raubinos illos, quos D. Rhodius contulit, rum suarum imperitissimos fuisse. Nam plura passim & infinitis in locis leguntur apud bræos de ejusmodi Præputium attractum reductum habentibus. Primo itaq[ue] vocantalem Maschuch, c. Attractus, Attractum præputium habens, Reputiatus; cum scilicet hoc vocabulo desiantes, qui vel per artem sibi præputium requirit, vel, cui ex naturæ singulari vigore revit. Exempli gratia: In Tractatu Talmudico qui vocatur Jevammoth fol. 72. scri- tur quod ex sententia Rabbinorum Ma- uch i. e. attractum vel reducum præpu- m habens non possit comedere de honora- oblatione, eò quod similis habeatur præ- tiato seu nunquam circumciso. Ibidem se- tur; quod ex statuto Rabbinorum Ma- uch denuò sit circumcidendus. Item, Gen. 14. ultimis illis verbis: Foedus meum irri- m reddidit, comprehendi etiam Ma- uch qui præputiu[m] sibi reducit &c. In Talmud erosolymitano Tractatu Jevammoth c. 8. vox Maschuch ita explicatur, h. e. sive alius quis attraxe- psi præputium (sc. per artem) sive attractum rit à seipso (i. e. natura recreverit.) Ex qui s verbis satis manifestè liquere videtur, in sententia priscos fuisse Hebræos, quod præputium tum per artem, tum naturaliter re- cresce-

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 91 Those Rabbins whom D. Rhodius cited were most ignorant of their own matters. For many things are read everywhere and in countless places among the Hebrews about this kind of man, having the foreskin drawn back and retained. First, therefore, the word Maschuch , i.e. drawn back, having the foreskin drawn back, retracted; by which term those are designated who either by art draw back their foreskin for themselves, or in whom it has returned through the singular vigor of nature. For example: in the Talmudic Treatise which is called Jevammoth , fol. 72, it is writ- ten that according to the opinion of the Rabbins Ma- schuch, that is, one having the foreskin drawn back or re- tracted, cannot eat of the holy offering, because he is considered similar to one un- circumcised, or never circumcised. There it is al- so said that by the statute of the Rabbins Ma- schuch is to be circumcised again. Likewise, Gen. 17, by those last words: “My covenant he has made void,” the Maschuch is also included, who draws his foreskin back to himself, etc. In the Talmud of Jerusalem, Tractate Jevammoth , ch. 8, the word Maschuch is thus explained, i.e. whether someone else has drawn back the foreskin from him (namely by art) or whether it has drawn back of itself (that is, by nature has grown again). From these words it seems quite clearly to follow that, in the opinion of the ancients among the Hebrews, the foreskin could regrow both by art and naturally.

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crescete & reduci queat. R. Moses Ægypti in Tractatu de Poenitentia recenset inter eos, q[ui] nullam habent partem in seculo futuro, etiam eum, qui attrahit præputium suum. Secundò varia producunt Hebræi exempli talium Repræputitorum; primo scribunt Achanem, de quo Iosuæ 7. suisse attracti præputii, in Talmud Tractatu de Syndrio fol. 44. 1. Secundò in libro Jalkut fol. col. 1. scribitur ad locum Jeremiæ: Et visita super omnem circumcisum cum præputio, cap. 25. intelligi eos, qui circumcisi fuerunt, & præputium sibi reduxerunt. Ibidem scribunt de Ægyptiis, quod fuerint circumcisi tempore Iosephi, sed eo mortuo sibi præputium reduxerint &c. Iterum in libro Jelammedem scribitur de Jehojakimo, quod sibi retraxerit præputium, ad locum 2. Chron. 36. vers. 8. Tertio tempore falsi Messiæ Ben Cosibæ, qui vixit 5 annis post excidium Templi, fuisse multos les qui tunc denuò fuerint circumcisi, legitur utroque Talmud, Babylonico & Hierosolymitano, & inter cætera: Mules cum attracto præputio fuerunt in diebus Ben Cosibæ, qui omnes fuerunt denuò circumcisi, & vixerunt, & genuerunt poste filios & filias. De modo quo hæc præputii Retractio facta fuerit, fateor me pæne nihil reperire; quod R. Salomon ordinarius glossator Talmudicul-

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increase and can be reduced again. R. Moses of Egypt, in the Treatise on Repentance, reckons among those who have no part in the world to come even him who draws back his foreskin. Second, the Hebrews produce various examples of such “re-foreskinned” men; first they write of Achan, of whom Joshua 7 says that he had a drawn-back foreskin, in the Talmud, Treatise Sanhedrin, fol. 44, col. 1. Second, in the book Jalkut, fol. col. 1, it is written at the passage of Jeremiah: “And I will visit upon every circumcised man with the foreskin,” chapter 25, understood of those who had been circumcised and then drew back the foreskin upon themselves. There they also write of the Egyptians, that they were circumcised in the time of Joseph, but after his death drew back the foreskin upon themselves, etc. Again, in the book Jelammedem it is written of Jehoiakim, that he had drawn back his foreskin, at the passage 2 Chronicles 36, verse 8. Third, in the time of the false Messiah Ben Cosiba, who lived 5 years after the destruction of the Temple, there are said to have been many who were then circumcised anew, as is read in both Talmuds, the Babylonian and the Jerusalem, and among other things: multitudes with drawn-back foreskin were in the days of Ben Cosiba, who were all circumcised again, and lived, and afterward begot sons and daughters. Concerning the manner in which this retraction of the foreskin was done, I confess that I find almost nothing; what R. Solomon, the ordinary glossator of the Talmudic-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 93 cus ad locum de Achane supra producum ibit his verbis: Attraxit (Achan) pelliculam embri sui jugiter, donec augeretur, id est recresce- t, obtegeretque caput membri, ut non appareret Achan) circumcisus esse. Quod Epiphanius lib. de Mensuris & Pon- eribus scribit; Hanc autem traditionem Diabo- inventi, Esau fratrem Iacobireperisse ajunt ad negationem DEI, & ad Deletionem cha- cteris patrum ipsorum, de eoha[n]ctenus in He- xorum libris nihil ego observavi. Quam benè, aut quam verè singula, quæ Hebræis produxi, ab illis dicta sint, non tingo. Saltem liquet hinc; 1. Artificii hu- s memoriam apud antiquissimos Hebræos etare 2, eosdem statuisse, tum arte, tum naturâ præputium redire posse. 3. non im- probabile esse, Paulum 1. ad Corinth. 7. 13. dum t: Circumcisus aliquis vocatus est, ne reducat æputium, ad has Hebræorum res & phrases spexisse, adeoque literaliter non mysticè illa erba intelligenda esse; eò quod res tum in- tr Iudæos & Phariseos (quorum Sectæ et- m Paulus in Iudaismo erat) satis nota erat, a multis temporibus inter eos quidem usur- ata, sed non approbata. Unde & Apostolus m vetat iis qui ex Iudaismo ad Christiani- num convertebantur, quasi probrosa ipsis in christianismo futura esset circumcisio: Cir-

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OF BIBLICAL DISEASES. 93 whose case, in the passage about Achan cited above, will be referred to in these words: “He drew the skin of the member of his penis continually, until it increased, that is, grew again, and covered the head of the member, so that it did not appear that Achan had been circumcised.” What Epiphanius writes in his book De Mensuris & Ponderibus ; “this tradition, however, they say the Devil invented, and that Esau discovered it after Jacob, for the denial of GOD, and for the deletion of the character of their fathers.” Concerning this, up to the present I have observed nothing in the books of the Hebrews. How well, or how truly, the several things which I have brought forward from the Hebrews were said by them, I do not undertake to determine. At least this is clear from it: 1. the memory of this art among the most ancient Hebrews was preserved; 2. they held that the foreskin could be restored, both by art and by nature; 3. it is not improbable that Paul, 1 Cor. 7. 13., when he says: “If any circumcised man has been called, let him not bring back the foreskin,” had regard to these Hebrew matters and phrases, and therefore those words are to be understood literally, not mystically; because the matter was then well known among the Jews and Pharisees (whose sect Paul himself had belonged to in Judaism), and had indeed long been used among them, though not approved. Hence the Apostle also forbids it to those who were converted from Judaism to Christianity, as if circumcision would be a reproach to them in Christianity: Cir-

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cumcisio enim nihil est, & præputium ni est, sed observatio mandatorum Dei. 4. sensu etiam accipiendum esse locum 1. Machab. 1. 12. & apud Iosephum Antiq. Iudaic lib. 12. 6. quem locum nimis obiter & sup fundoriè à D. Rhodio perstringi arbitror: qu expressè dicitur; Quo impetrato, adduxeru sibi præputia, quæ est ipsissima phrasis H bræa Attraxerunt sibi præ putia. Quod verò Hebræi intellexerint Attractionem præputii, non occultationem c cumcisionis, sed pelliculæ reductionem, ex perioribus patet. Nam dicunt expressè; Tal iterum circumcidendos esse: Esse eos, qui c cumcisi fuerint; & præputium sibi retrax rint; haberi pro præputiati s; esse ejusmod attractionem, qua membrum iterum obteg tur. An verò hæc omnia verè ab illis dicantur in medio relinquo. Apud me certè extra d bium est, loca illa Pauli, Machabæorum, I sephi, ex mente Hebræorum intelligenda est & inde valdè dubito, num loca illa apud Di scoridem & Cornelium Celsum aliter sint a cipienda. Multa etiam apud Hebræos mentio illorum, vui naturâ sunt recutiti: Infantem in natum vocant Parvulum qui circumcisus natus est. Tales scil bunt fuisse Mosem & Davidem. Dispu- tant etiam, qua ratione tales sint circumcidendi. XXVI

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For circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but the keeping of the commandments of God. 4. This passage also ought to be understood in the sense in which it is taken in 1 Maccabees 1:12 and in Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, book 12, chapter 6, a passage which I think is treated far too cursorily and superficially by Dr. Rhodius; for it is expressly said: “Having obtained this, they brought upon themselves foreskins,” which is the very Hebrew phrase, “They drew upon themselves foreskins.” But that the Hebrews understood by the drawing of the foreskin not the concealment of circumcision, but the drawing back of the skin, is clear from what follows. For they expressly say that such men are to be circumcised again; that is, those who have been circumcised and have drawn the foreskin back upon themselves are to be regarded as uncircumcised; that it is a kind of drawing back by which the member is again covered. Whether all these things are truly said by them, I leave in the middle. For my part, certainly, it is beyond doubt that those passages of Paul, the Maccabees, and Josephus are to be understood according to the mind of the Hebrews; and from this I greatly doubt whether those passages in Dioscorides and Cornelius Celsus are to be taken otherwise. Among the Hebrews there is also frequent mention of those who are by nature uncircumcised: they call an infant born circumcised. Such, namely, they say Moses and David were. They also dispute in what manner such persons are to be circumcised. XXVI

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 85 XXVII. uratio Morborum per oleum apud veteres Christianos. Scobi V.14. ungi jubentur ægri oleo in no- mine Domini. Remedi genus erat primis ulis, dicebaturque oleum infirmorum, quod sanandos ægros usitatum, postea ad Sacra- ntum quoque translatum est. Medica- ntum fuisse, contra aliter sentientes, ex scilio Niceno Primo Canone 68. Arabico sit mifestum. Ita enim Patres ibidem Con- ipti, Transacto anno, debet Sacer- s benedicere aquam & oleum, non ut fit in Baptismo, neque sicut benedicitur risma, sed sicut oleum infirmorum, & sicut ua ad mundationem immunditiei eorum, i comederunt morticinium. Junguntur, Canone aqua & oleum, quia etiam aqua insecrata ad sanandos morbos utebantur. r Ansgarium Episcopum Hamburgensem ures, ut aqua Baptismi loti sunt, ab omnicor- is infirmitate liberatos scribit Adamus Bre- ensis l.1. Hist. Eccles. cap. 25. Nec mirum andi facultate oleum illud benedictum. illere, cum salem etiam miscerent veteres, od passim liquet. Non quidem sal Sa- cer-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 85 XXVII. Treatment of Diseases by oil among the ancient Christians. In James 5:14 the sick are commanded to be anointed with oil in the name of the Lord. This was a kind of remedy among the earliest Christians, and it was called the oil of the infirm, because it was customary for the healing of the sick; later it was also transferred to the Sacrament. That it was a medicine, contrary to those who think otherwise, is made clear by the First Council of Nicaea, Canon 68, in the Arabic text. For the Fathers there assembled say: “After the year has passed, the priest must bless the water and the oil, not as is done in Baptism, nor as chrism is blessed, but as the oil of the infirm, and as water for the cleansing of their uncleanness, who have eaten carrion.” Water and oil are joined in the canon because even consecrated water was used for healing diseases. Concerning Archbishop Ansgar of Hamburg, Adam of Bremen writes, in Book 1 of the Ecclesiastical History, chapter 25, that many who had been washed with baptismal water were freed from every bodily infirmity. Nor is it surprising that that blessed oil should have healing power, since the ancients also mixed salt with it, as is plainly evident everywhere. Not indeed sacred salt...

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TH. BARTHOLINI cerdotale huc spectat, quo utebantur an qui Sacerdotes in diebus Eliæ Prophetæ in variismorbis. Novitium quippe est, nom mentiens. Tale tamen in antiquis membr nis Mantuanis legitur A. C. 1448. scriptis : Salis communis Unc. 16. Cinam Drach. Sinz. pip. amom. pyrechr. cimin. aneth. sil mont. satur. hyssop. origan. Puleg. æq. po Unc. 1. redigantur in pulverem, & serven usui, sed olei infirmorum Christiani Patres passim meminerunt. In primo seculo Clem Romanus lib. 8. Constit. Apost. c. 29. si Episc pus non adest, benedicat Presbyter præser Diacone. Dicatautem in hunc modum D mine Sabbaoth, Deus virtutum, qui ded aquam ad bibendum & oleum ad exhilara dam faciem inexultationem lætitiæ, ipse etia nunc sanctifica per Christum hanc aquam oleum, ex nomine ejus qui obtulit, & trib ei vim sanandi & depellendi morbum, fugan Dæmones, expellendi insidias per Christu spem nostram. Ephraim Syrus, qui vixit tu tio seculo sub Valente, de Vit. Spirit. pur 75. si charitatis officio perfungens, oleo ægrot rem inungis, fac oculos, manus, lingvasque stodias. Hieronymus quarti seculi Doctor vita Hilarionis narrat Constantiæ Sanctæ minæ generum & filiam Hilarionis unctio olei à morte fuisse liberatam, universosque griculas & pastores à venenatis animalibus serpentibus percussos ad Hilarionem con- giti

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TH. BARTHOLINI This also belongs here: the priestly rite that the ancient priests used in the days of the Prophet Elijah in various illnesses. For it is indeed a novelty, though not pretending to be so. Yet such a thing is read in an old Mantuan manuscript written in A.D. 1448: “Common salt, 16 oz.; cinnamon, 1 drachm; ginger, pepper, amomum, pyrethrum, cumin, anise, wild mountain savory, hyssop, oregano, pennyroyal, equal parts, 1 oz. Let them be reduced to powder, and kept for use.” But the Christian Fathers everywhere make mention of the oil of the sick. In the first century, Clement of Rome, lib. 8, Constit. Apost. c. 29, says that if the Bishop is not present, let the Presbyter bless it, with the Deacon standing by. And let it be consecrated in this manner: “Lord Sabaoth, God of powers, who hast given water for drinking and oil to gladden the face in joy and gladness, do Thou now also sanctify through Christ this water and oil, in the name of him who offered it, and grant it power to heal and to drive away sickness, to put demons to flight, to expel snares, through Christ our hope.” Ephraim the Syrian, who lived in the fourth century under Valens, de Vit. Spirit. p. 75, says: if, in the exercise of charity, you anoint the sick person with oil, take care of his eyes, hands, and tongue. Jerome, Doctor of the fourth century, in the Life of Hilarion relates that Constantia, the holy woman’s daughter-in-law and daughter, was saved from death by the anointing with oil, and that shepherds and herdsmen, wounded by venomous animals and serpents, were brought to Hilarion.

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 97 isse, quo benedicto oleo vulnera rangente, certam salutem resumtam esse. Interea ta- men etiam ab hæreticis adhibitus ille ungendi grotos ritus, sed depravatus. Nam Valen- niani hoc nomine damnantur ab Irenæo se- culi secundi Patre, 1. 1. adv. hæretic. c. 18. quod mittant super caput oleum & aquam eorum ui sacrantur; ungere verò balsamo, sive, ut interpretes Latini omnes reddunt, opobalsa- no. Alios etiam damnat, qui mortuos redi- unt ad finem defunctionis, mittentes eo- um capitibus oleum & aquam, invocationi- us vocum peregrinarum. Ad quem locum nnotat Fr. Feu-Ardenius, non damnari un- endi ritum, sed quia verbis, quibus non de- ebat, uterentur. Solo nomine Domini con- cra vit prima Ecclesia Iacob. 5. 4. Eodem- ue modo ordinariam medicinam ungendo ciebant Apostoli Marc. 6. 13. Quo nomine unctohodieque Medici Christiani suas cura- ones ausplicantur & perficiunt. Inter Ju- æos usitatam olim unctionem medicatam ightfootius ad cap. 6. Matth. ex Rabbinis pro- bat. Nam in Bap. Ioma. fol. 77. 2. Traditio est Rabbinorum: Prohibitum est (in jejuniis) avare partem corporis, æquè ac totum corpus: i verò sit luto aut stercore foedatus, lavet pro more, & ne sit sollicitus. Prohibitum enim est ingere partem corporis, æquè ac totum cor- pus: at verò si ægrotet, aut si capite exoria- ur scabies, ungat promote. Credo ego un- G dio-

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 97 that, by means of the blessed oil, the wounds, having been anointed, were believed to have recovered a certain health. Meanwhile, however, that rite of anointing the sick was also employed by heretics, but corrupted. For the Valentinians are condemned under this name by Irenaeus, Father of the second century, l. 1. adv. haeret. c. 18, because they pour oil and water upon the head of those who are being initiated; and anoint with balsam, or, as all the Latin interpreters render it, opobalsamum. He also condemns others who, at the end of the burial rites, bring back the dead, pouring oil and water upon their heads, with invocations of foreign words. On this passage Fr. Feu-Ardenius notes that the rite of anointing is not condemned, but only because they used words with which they ought not. The first Church consecrated by the sole name of the Lord, James 5. 4. In the same way the Apostles applied ordinary medicine by anointing, Mark 6. 13. By this name Christian physicians even today begin and complete their cures. Anointing with medicinal oil, once customary among the Jews, Lightfoot proves from the Rabbis on Matt. c. 6. For in Bap. Ioma, fol. 77. 2, there is this tradition of the Rabbis: “It is forbidden (in fasts) to wash a part of the body, just as the whole body: but if one is defiled with mud or filth, let him wash according to custom, and not be anxious. For it is forbidden to anoint a part of the body, just as the whole body: but if he is sick, or if scabies arise on the head, let him anoint it at once.” I myself believe that anointing... G dio-

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98 TH. BARTHOLINI ætionem istam à Medicis primo ad Theolog manasse. Antiquissimis enim temporib[us] Athlethæ oleo ante exercitationes ungebant ad exsolvendam lassitudinem, Galeno judi 1.6. de Tuenda Val. c. ult. vel ad membra flex reddenda. Post balnea quoque sanitatis g[ene]r tia oleum impediebat frigidi aëris ingressum & ne siccarentur partes quas balneum emo verat. De universa hac ungendi in exercit tionibus ratione dato studio egit Mercuri lib. 1. Art. Gymn. c. 8. In morbis quid unci nes præstent, ex Herodoto docet Oribasius 10. Collect. Medic. c. 27. Cum sale & oleo frictus insitum calorem auget, & quod p[er] ternaturam est, discutit, recrementaque c[on]s sumit, & affecta membra robustiora facit, adversus affectionem firmat, ut præclare Aes ter. 3. serm. 4. c. 21. De unctione capitim ejusdem affectibus cautiones necessarias c[on] sustritit 1.2. c. 4. ante balneum & post suad rem observandas. Qui cap. 14. distingvitu ctionem abundione; ungi enim levitere pertractari corpus, etiam in acutis & recenti morbis oportet, in remissione tamen & a cibum. Ante omnes Hippocrates antiqvus vinusque Magister artis libr. 2. de Vict. R de unctione calefaciente humectante & em liente verba fecit. Galenus licet posterior unctionem passim commendat in ventricu roborando, in febribus, & in aliis, quæ ap illum legi possunt. Baptissimi unctionem Pap

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98 TH. BARTHOLINI This practice seems to have passed first from physicians to theologians. For in the most ancient times athletes anointed themselves with oil before exercise to relieve fatigue, as Galen judges, 1.6. de Tuenda Val. c. ult., or to restore suppleness to the limbs. Likewise, after baths for the preservation of health, oil prevented the entrance of cold air and kept the parts from drying out which the bath had moistened. Mercurialis has treated this whole method of anointing in exercise with great diligence, lib. 1. Art. Gymn. c. 8. What ointments accomplish in diseases is taught by Oribasius from Herodotus, 10. Collect. Medic. c. 27. Rubbing with salt and oil increases innate heat and disperses what is preternatural, consumes waste matter, and makes the affected limbs stronger, and fortifies them against the affection, as Aëtius excellently says, 3. serm. 4. c. 21. On anointing the head in the same affections he has set forth the necessary cautions, 1.2. c. 4., to be observed before and after the bath. He, in chap. 14, distinguishes anointing from excessive unction; for to anoint means lightly to rub the body, and this should be done even in acute and recent diseases, though in remission and according to appetite. Above all, Hippocrates, the ancient and most trustworthy master of the art, in book 2 of De Vict. R. speaks of anointing as warming, moistening, and softening. Galen, though later, everywhere commends anointing in strengthening the stomach, in fevers, and in other cases, which can be read in him. Most devout anointing Pap

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DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. 97 aganismo quoque traductam consentit Io- as Porreus in Tr. Gallico de Cerem. Antiq. ad thletarum imitationem, ut contra mundum uctarentur baprizati. Præivit Chrysostomus hom. 6. c. ad Coloss. Ungitur baptizandus nore Athletarum, qui stadium jam ingressuri unt. Et Ambrosius 1. 1. de Sacram. c. 2. Un- tus es quasi athleta Christi, quasi luctamen ujus seculi luctaturus, professus es iuctami- nis tui certamina. Cæterum de unctione n baptismo disserere, nostri non est instituti. Ritum istum fusius describit Dionysius Areopæ- ita cap. 2. Eccles. Hierarch. quod ungventi mysterium, seu postea cap. 4. persequitur. De his aliisque unctionibus vi- dendus Scachius in Libris Eleochristmaton, quanquam valdè parcussit lib. 2. c. 22. in oleo sanitatis. Plura congessit Io. Bapt. Casalius de Vet. Sacr. Christ. Ritibus cap. 32. Coroni- bis loco afferre lubet de Chrismatis & olei san- ti duratione Sratutum Lagonis Urne Episcopi Roeskildensis, Stat. synod. A. C. 1517. editis, quia à paucis visum & lectum: Præcipimus, in- quit, quod singuli sacerdotes Parochiales, in die oaresceves singulis annis vetus chrisma & oleum sanctum, quibus ultra annum utinon liceat, in suis Ecclesiis concremabunt. Et tunc sive proximis die- bus paschalibus, si ab Ecclesia nostra Cathedrale re- moti fuerint, Ipsi vel eorum unus ex singulis Provin- cis de putandus, novum charisma à sacristano ejus- dem, Ecclesiæ nostræ Roschildensis humiliter petant G 4

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ON BIBLICAL DISEASES. 97 He also agrees that it was carried over from paganism, Jo- as Porreus in the French treatise on ancient ceremonies, by imitation of athletes, so that the baptized might struggle against the world. Chrysostom had gone before him hom. 6, c. ad Coloss. “The one to be baptized is anointed in the manner of athletes, who are about to enter the arena.” And Ambrose, lib. 1 de Sacram. c. 2: “You are anointed as it were an athlete of Christ, as one about to wrestle in the struggle of this age; you have professed the contests of your own strife.” Moreover, to discuss anointing in baptism is not our purpose. Dionysius the Areopagite describes this rite at greater length in chapter 2 of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, where he treats the mystery of the unguent, or later in chapter 4. On these and other anointings, see Scacchi in the books of Eleochristmata, although he treats it very sparingly in book 2, c. 22, under the oil of health. Io. Bapt. Casalius has collected more in de Vet. Sacr. Christ. Ritibus, chapter 32. By way of conclusion, I am pleased to cite the Statutum Lagonis Urne, Bishop of Roskilde, from the synodal statutes of A.D. 1517, published, because it has been seen and read by few: “We command,” he says, “that all parish priests, on the Wednesday of Holy Week each year, shall burn in their churches the old chrism and holy oil, which they may not use beyond one year. And then, on the following Paschal days, if they are remote from our cathedral church, they themselves, or one of them deputed from each province, shall humbly ask the new chrism from the sacristan of our same church of Roskilde.” G 4

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100 TH. BARTHOLINI DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. & invasis mundis & decentibus custodiendum re venter suscipiant, sub poena 4. Florenorum sicut a tiquitus est observatum. Ratio edicti hæc si dubio fuit, quod oleum rancidum fiat nec ad usus commodum, si vetustatem habeam Saladinus olea cum incipiunt rancida fieri, n lius usus pronunciat. Petri Castelli tamen ser centia 1. de durat. Medicam. pag. 40. oleu rosatum diligenter compositum duos anni sert. Et Dioscorides lib. 1. cap. 30. vetusti ad medicamentorum usum accommodu censet. Sed de oleo candido cap. 32. profi ur annuiculo vetustius esse non debere. tustius plerumque in septentrionem affert Et in chrismate suo Patres nostri non tam usum medicum quam ad svavitatem at- tenderunt, quæ vetusto oleorarius inesse solet. INDEX

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100 TH. BARTHOLINI DE MORBIS BIBLICIS. and that those who invade clean and decent places should take care to receive it back, under a penalty of 4 florins, as has long been observed. The reason for the edict was, no doubt, that oil becomes rancid and is no longer fit for useful purposes if it has grown old. Saladinus declares that oils, when they begin to turn rancid, are of no use. Yet Petrus Castelli, Sercentia 1. de durat. Medicam. p. 40, says that oil of roses, carefully prepared, lasts two years. And Dioscorides, lib. 1, cap. 30, considers old oil suitable for medicinal use. But concerning white oil, cap. 32, it is stated that it ought not to be older than a year. Older oil is usually brought into the north. And our Fathers, in their chrism, looked not so much to medical use as to sweetness, which is wont to be found in old oil. INDEX

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INDEX. Miscellaneorum De Morbis Biblicis. De Somno Adami, an Ecstasis vel Le- thargus. pag.2 De Jacoba claudicante. p.3 I. Uxor Lothi in salem conversa, p.4 Manus Moysis arida. p.7 De facie Moysis immutata. p.9 I. De morsu serpentum venenato ejusque medicina. p.20 II. Jobi morbus excutitur. p.28 III. De Lepra Iudæorum. p.39 K. Senis Davidis remedium. p.45 Ezechia curatio per ficum. p.47 I. De Regis Asæ arthritide. p.48 II. Jorami morbus intestinalis. p.49 III. Nabucodonosoris Mania seu melancho- lia. p.52 IV. Depisce in quo Jonas sepultus. p.56 V. Iohiæ coecitas curata. p.57 VI. De Puerperio B. Mariæ. p.59 VII. Sangvinis profluvio laborans foemina in Evangilio. p.60 XVIII. Epi-

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INDEX. Miscellanies On Biblical Diseases. On Adam’s sleep, whether ecstasy or le- thargy. p. 2 On Jacob limping. p. 3 I. Lot’s wife turned into salt. p. 4 The dry hand of Moses. p. 7 On the altered face of Moses. p. 9 I. On the poisonous bite of serpents and its remedy. p. 20 II. Job’s disease examined. p. 28 III. On the leprosy of the Jews. p. 39 K. Remedy of old David. p. 45 Hezekiah cured by a fig. p. 47 I. On King Asa’s arthritis. p. 48 II. Joram’s intestinal disease. p. 49 III. Nebuchadnezzar’s mania or mel- ancholy. p. 52 IV. Of the fish in which Jonah was buried. p. 56 V. Iohia’s blindness cured. p. 57 VI. On the childbirth of the Blessed Mary. p. 59 VII. The woman suffering from a flow of blood in the Gospel. p. 60 XVIII. Epi-

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INDEX. XVIII. Epilepticus in Evangelio. P. XIX. Dæmonio obsessi in Evangelio. U de Annulismarium apud Ebræos. P. XX. Cæcus luto curatus. P. XXI. Lazari morbus. P. XXII. De Hypochondriaci Iudæ mor P VXIII. Herodes verminosus. P XXIV. Depungente Div. Pauli dolore. P XXV. Timothei infirmitates vino olivæ P ratæ. P XXVI. De præputio adducendo. P XXII. Decuratione per oleum. P THOM

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INDEX. XVIII. The epileptic in the Gospel. P. XIX. Those possessed by a demon in the Gospel. U On the annulismarium among the Hebrews. P. XX. The blind man cured with clay. P. XXI. Lazarus's illness. P. XXII. On the disease of the hypochondriac Jew P VXIII. Herod afflicted with worms. P XXIV. On the piercing pain of Divine Paul. P. XXV. Timothy's infirmities cured by wine and olive P rata. P XXVI. On bringing in the prepuce. P. XXII. On cure by oil. P. THOM