Inquiry into the Inquiry concerning Mary Magdalene as a newcomer to Marseille
Creator: Jean de Launoy | Date: 1643 | Notes: Original title: Disquisitio disquisitionis de Magdalena Massiliensi advena A Latin polemical pamphlet that refutes Jean-Baptiste Guesnay's defense of the Provençal tradition that Mary Magdalene evangelized Provence and was buried there. Launoy argues from documentary priority and patristic testimony that the older Eastern tradition is authoritative, placing Mary Magdalene's death and burial at Ephesus and treating the Provençal account as a late invention. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-ointment-bearer-at-ephesus-how-a-sorbonne-doctor-threw-out-a-saints-tomb-on-a-point-of-chronology">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_8mWYS4xJZGgC">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.
- Title
- Inquiry into the Inquiry concerning Mary Magdalene as a newcomer to Marseille
- Creator
- Jean de Launoy
- Date
- 1643
- Notes
- Original title: Disquisitio disquisitionis de Magdalena Massiliensi advena A Latin polemical pamphlet that refutes Jean-Baptiste Guesnay's defense of the Provençal tradition that Mary Magdalene evangelized Provence and was buried there. Launoy argues from documentary priority and patristic testimony that the older Eastern tradition is authoritative, placing Mary Magdalene's death and burial at Ephesus and treating the Provençal account as a late invention. 👉 <a href="https://tryleo.ai/collections/exlatinis/the-ointment-bearer-at-ephesus-how-a-sorbonne-doctor-threw-out-a-saints-tomb-on-a-point-of-chronology">Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here</a> 📜 <a href="https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_8mWYS4xJZGgC">View the original file on Internet Archive</a> This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.
Document notes
Original title: Disquisitio disquisitionis de Magdalena Massiliensi advena A Latin polemical pamphlet that refutes Jean-Baptiste Guesnay's defense of the Provençal tradition that Mary Magdalene evangelized Provence and was buried there. Launoy argues from documentary priority and patristic testimony that the older Eastern tradition is authoritative, placing Mary Magdalene's death and burial at Ephesus and treating the Provençal account as a late invention. 👉 Read our introductory primer, full report, and finding guide here 📜 View the original file on Internet Archive This text was transcribed and translated as part of the ExLatinis project—an effort by Leo to make English translations of every published text in Latin in early modern Europe (between 1450 and 1750) available to the public for free online.
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DISVISITIO DISVISITIONIS DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI ADVENA. Quod tanto impendio absconditur, etiam solum- modò demonstrare, destruere est. Tertullianus aduersus Valentianos cap. 3. Auctore IOANNE DELAVNOY Constantiensi, Theologo Parisiensi. BIBLIOTECA NAZ. VITTERIO EMANUELE. PARISIIS. M. DC. XLIII.
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DISVISITIO DISVISITIONIS DE MAGDALENE A NATIVE OF MARSEILLES. “What is concealed with so much effort, even merely to show it, is to destroy it.” Tertullian Against the Valentinians, ch. 3. By IOANNES DELAVNOY, of Caen, Parisian theologian. BIBLIOTECA NAZ. VITTERIO EMANUELE. PARIS. M. DC. XLIII.
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ERVDITO ET PIO LECTORI PRAEFATIO VIVS operis, quod aggredimur, erudite Lector, longè difficilius est exitu[m], quàm principium inuenire. In quamcumque enim paginam incidas, statim occurrit, quod reprehendatur; at si quodcumque reprehendendum foret obserues, reprehendendi nullus erit finis. Et certè Magdalena Massiliensis aduenæ Disquisitio, cui iterum disquirendæ ac dispungendæ cursim incumbimus, tot erroribus, nugisque oppletæ est, vt ad illam constituendam audacia, ignorantia, calumnia, & dissimulatio cõtendisse videantur: Audacia in assertione rerum, quas auctor laudatis à se scriptoribus affingit; Ignorantia in argumento scriptionis & vsu quorumlibet librorum, quos sine vllo delectu ac iudicio sequitur, atque ita in vtroque contraria contrariis sanare studet, qui in præfatione libri Criticorum medicu[m] se esse profitetur: Calumnia in conuitiis, quibus immerentes viros crudeliter proscindit; quamquam & qui de immerentibus malè meretur, suam quoque cum calumnia inscitiam prodit; Dissimulatio in prætermissione duarum generaliùm epocharum, quas vt secernendæ à mendacio veritatis gubernacula Dissertationi meæ præ-
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To the learned and pious reader Preface Learned Reader, the end of this work which we undertake is much more difficult to find than the beginning. For whichever page you open, at once there appears something that ought to be criticized; but if you observe whatever might deserve criticism, there will be no end to criticism. And certainly the Disquisition of the foreigner Magdalena Massiliensis, which we hasten again to examine and to go over, is so full of errors and trifles that audacity, ignorance, slander, and dissimulation seem to have competed in its composition: audacity in the assertion of things which the author ascribes to writers praised by him; ignorance in the subject of the writing and in the use of whatever books he follows without any discrimination or judgment, and thus in both cases he tries to heal contraries with contraries, he who in the preface to the book professes himself to be a physician of critics; slander in the insults with which he cruelly tears at innocent men, although he who behaves badly toward the innocent also reveals his own ignorance together with slander; dissimulation in the omission of the two general epochs, which, as I have entrusted to my Dissertation the helm for separating truth from falsehood, pre-
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fixi. Hæc autem omnia cùm ita sese habeant, & sola lectione probentur, ne & nos infinitorum, si notarentur, errorum nimis puderet, & alios importunæ lectionis aliquando tæderet, operæ pretium visum est, illustriores Guesnæianæ Disquisitionis nugas & errores in aliquot capita distribuere, vt ex iis tanquam ex certis speciminibus quid de tota Disquisitione censendum sit, iudicetur. Tum veterem de Lazaro, Magdalena & Martha traditionem suis libratam ponderibus exponam, sicut in Dissertatione quadam duobus abhinc annis exposui. De Maximino nihil dicam, quòd à veteribus, & optimis auctoribus, qui ante annum Christi sexcentesimum scripserunt, nihil dictum comperi. Hac autem in re que adeò remota, sine Commentariis veterum sapere historici sapientis non est, nec Christiani scriptoris, qui supra ceteros mortales à mendacio abhorrere debet. Editum ab homine facili Chronicum Dextri non moror, quod eruditorum hominum nemo commendat, immo vt prolem subjectam omnes abiiciendum procul existimant. Illud iis permittimus, qui decipi Hispanorumque ineptiis penè anilibus infatuari volunt. Age ergo Lector, & in Guesnæi Disquisitione muliò plura, quàm significo, vel quàm tu ipse putas, inuenies. DIS-
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I have determined. But since all these things are so, and are proved by mere reading alone, lest we should either be too much ashamed of countless errors, if they were noted, or lest others should at some point be wearied by this troublesome reading, it seemed worthwhile to distribute the more conspicuous trifles and errors of Guesné’s Disquisition into several chapters, so that from these, as from sure specimens, a judgment may be formed as to what should be thought of the whole Disquisition . Then I shall set forth the ancient tradition concerning Lazarus, Magdalene, and Martha, weighed with its own proper weight, just as I did in a certain Dissertation two years ago. I shall say nothing about Maximinus, because I have found that nothing was said about him by the ancients and the best authors who wrote before the six-hundredth year of Christ. And in this matter, so remote as it is, it is not the part of a wise historian to think without the commentaries of the ancients, nor of a Christian writer, who above all other mortals ought to abhor falsehood. I do not care for the Chronicle of Dextro, published by a facile man, which no one among learned men commends; indeed, all consider it something to be cast aside and rejected, as a spurious offspring. We leave that to those who wish to be deceived and to be deluded by almost childish Spanish follies. Come then, Reader, and in Guesné’s Disquisition you will find far more than I indicate, or than you yourself suppose. DIS-
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DISVISITIO DISVISITIONIS DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI ADVENA. CAPVT PRIMVM. R. P. Guesnæus imprudenter agit cum Archi- episcopo Aquensi, cui librum suum nuncupat. DISVISITIONEM disquisitio- nis ordiorab insigniauctoris istius imprudentia, quam in ipso fer- me operis vestibulo conspicien- dam præbet. Ea autem est eius- modi: Guesnæus Archiepiscopi Aquensis laudes exequitur in epistola nuncupa- toria, cùm ex multis, tum ex hoc quoque, quòd cum illustris apud Rotomagenses familia pluri- mùm commendet: deinde appetente proæmi sine prouinciam, cuius caput est Rotomagus, sic contumeliosè appellat: Quanquam enim magna spe & prope explorata, curationis huius causam A.
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DISVISITIO DISVISITIONIS ON MAGDALEN OF MARSEILLES, A STRANGER. CHAPTER ONE. R. P. Guesnæus acts imprudently with the Archbishop of Aix, to whom he dedicates his book. I begin the disquisition of this work with the striking imprudence of that author, which he displays almost in the very vestibule of the work. And it is of this kind: Guesnæus sets forth the praises of the Archbishop of Aix in his dedicatory letter, because, among many other reasons, he says that he is greatly recommended by his distinguished family among the people of Rouen: then, as though seeking a pretext for his introduction, since the province of which Rouen is the capital, he addresses it in these insulting words: Although indeed with great hope and almost assured confidence, the cause of this cure A.
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2 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS suscipimus, quia cum eius gentis & genij critico agimus, cui pacta retractare, & quod dictum fuit, indictum esse velle perquam familiare, ac patriæ legibus statum esse dicitur, ac solemne. O rarissimi iudicij virum! qui vna manu salutem Archiepiscopo suo dicit, altera colaphum impingit. quo in negotio infelici successu prodit se socium illius, non cui dictum est, sed qui dixit: Aue Rabbi. Nunc igitur reuocet vel laudes, quibus Archiepiscopum ornauit, vel conuitia, quibus Archiepiscopi gentem affecit vniuersam. In vno parùm prudens, in altero ridiculus erit, atque à se obiectam aliis calumniam meritò sustinebit. Verùm sua maledico conuitiatori dicteria relinquamus, discat ille tantùm à Iustino martyre, Athenagora, & aliis, qui pro Christianis apologias ediderunt, nemini nomen probro vertendum esse: Iudices, inquit Athenagoras, non tam quid commiserit reus aliquis nostrûm inquirunt, quàm ipsi nomini tanquam certo sceleri illudunt, cùm tamen nomen ipsum per se, & quatenus nomen est, bonum malumve existimandum sit nullum, sed tale profectò indicandum vnumquodque, qualis res ipsa aut actio, qua de prædicatur, fuerit.
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2 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION we undertake, because we are dealing with the critic of that nation and race, to whom it is most customary and, as they say, established by the laws of the fatherland to retract agreements and to wish that what was said should be unsaid. O man of most rare judgment! who with one hand says salvation to his Archbishop, and with the other strikes him a blow. In this business, by an unhappy outcome, he proves himself the associate not of him to whom it was said, but of him who said, “Hail, Rabbi.” Now therefore let him revoke either the praises with which he adorned the Archbishop, or the insults with which he affected the whole race of the Archbishop. In the one case he will be somewhat lacking in prudence; in the other, ridiculous; and he will rightly bear the calumny he has cast upon others. But let us leave his malicious jibes to the slanderer; let him learn only from Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and others who published apologies for Christians, that no man’s name is to be turned into reproach. “Judges,” says Athenagoras, “do not inquire so much what offense any one of us has committed as they mock the very name itself as though it were a certain crime, although the name itself, in itself and insofar as it is a name, ought to be judged neither good nor bad; rather, each thing must surely be declared such as the thing itself or the action for which it is described was in fact.”
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 3 CAPVT SECVNDVM. Guesnæus præstitutum in Dissertatione de com- mentitio Lazari & Maximini, Magdalena & Marthæ in Prouinciam appulsu ordinem dissimulat. H V i v s Dissertationis, cuius admodum pau- ca exéplaria Lutetiæ edita sunt anno 1641. duas feci partes, vnam, quæ quod de Magdalena & aliis fuerat priùs traditum, complecteretur; alteram, quæ quod de iisdem fuerat posteriùs immissum, expenderet. In prima parte, quæ in annum Christi millesimum desinit, à Græcis vni- uersim & Latinis memoriæ proditum ostendi, Lazarum, Magdalenam & Martham in Oriente obiisse; sed de Maximino, qui primus Aquensium antistes fuerit, nullam vnquam vel in veteribus Martyrologiis, vel Ecclesiæ scriptoribus factam esse mentionem. At vir bonus hunc ordinem, qui asserendæ veritati, & reuincendis fabulis aptissimus est, cùm exploratæ fidei auctoribus re- fellere non possit, astutè dissimulat, omnia par- ergis conuoluit, multos auctores mala fide in medium adducit, falsa veris, incerta certis, & obscura claris immiscet; ratus suam Disquisitionem stare non posse, si quod ab initio Ecclesiarum traditionibus commissum est, agnoscatur. In hoc solùm habet acumen, si modò acumen dicendum sit, quod in inquirendæ, retinendæque veritatis A ij
Transcription: Translated (English)
On Mary Magdalene of Marseilles. 3 Chapter Two. Guesnæus, who in his Dissertation on the fictitious Lazarus and Maximinus had laid down the order, conceals it in his account of the arrival of Magdalene and Martha in Provence. I divided this Dissertation, of which only very few copies were published at Paris in the year 1641, into two parts: one, which should include what had been previously related about Magdalene and the others; the other, which should examine what had afterwards been inserted concerning the same persons. In the first part, which ends with the thousandth year of Christ, I showed from the Greeks universally and from the Latins that it had been handed down in memory that Lazarus, Magdalene, and Martha died in the East; but concerning Maximinus, who was said to have been the first bishop of Aix, no mention whatever had ever been made, either in the ancient Martyrologies or in ecclesiastical writers. But the good man, since he cannot refute this order, which is most suited to the establishing of truth and the confutation of fables, by authors of proven reliability, cleverly suppresses it, covers everything with digressions, brings forward many authors in bad faith, mingles false things with true, uncertain with certain, and obscure with clear; thinking that his Inquiry cannot stand if what was from the beginning entrusted to the traditions of the Churches is acknowledged. He displays his acuteness only in this, if indeed it should be called acuteness, that in the inquiry into, and preservation of, the truth A ij
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS perniciem cedit. Sed qualecunque sit illud, faci- lè retunditur, cùm in tanta rerum omnium per- turbatione nullum bonæ notæ scriptorem lau- det, qui ante annum Christi sexcentesimum pro- diderit, Magdalenam & alios è Iudæa in Gallias adnauigasse, ibique diem clausisse extremum. At vt prudenter docet Baronius tom. 1. Annaliu[m], quod à recentiore auctore de rebus adeo antiquis sine alicuius vetustioris auctoritate profertur, con- temnitur. Lucij quidem Dextri Chronicum lau- dat, & magnificè iactat, sed illud omnes viri docti repudiant, vt ab recentioribus Hispanis confictum. Hoc dudum in rem iudicatam abiit: vnde fit, vt quæ opinio sola inter antiquos huius furtiui Chronici auctoritate nititur, nulla omni- nonitatur. Immo qui subdititiis monimentis vti- tur, turpissimam in Iudicio repulsam pati solet, & causa continuò cadit. In secunda parte, quæ sexcentorum quadra- ginta annorum est, multa comprehendi: Inpri- mis veterem apud Græcos de Magdalena & aliis traditionem semper esse retentam docui: Dein- de, propositis Romanæ & aliarum Ecclesiarum Martyrologiis ostendi, à quo tempore, non pu- blico Ecclesiæ iudicio, sed inerudito priuatorum quorundam studio iis additum est, Magdalena, Martham & Lazarum in Prouncia excessisse. Tertiò, firmissimam epocham Maximino defixi, nec in ipsius Aquensis Ecclesiæ litaniis anno 1577. editis locum adhuc habuisse demonstraui, atque in iis vix omitti potuisse, quem perpetua traditio vindicasset Quartò, multiplex de Magdalena & Lazaro figmentum exposui, & sola recitatione
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS is overcome by destruction. But whatever it may be, it is easily refuted, since in so great a confusion of all things it praises no writer of good reputation who published before the year of Christ 600 that Magdalene and others sailed from Judea into Gaul and ended their days there. But, as Baronius wisely teaches, vol. 1 of the Annals, what is brought forward by a more recent author concerning matters so ancient without the authority of some older one is to be despised. He indeed praises the Chronicle of Lucius Dexter and vaunts it magnificently, but all learned men reject it as fabricated by later Spaniards. This has long since been judged a settled matter: whence it follows that the opinion which alone rests among the ancients on the authority of this stolen Chronicle is supported by nothing at all. Nay, one who makes use of spurious documents is usually shamefully repulsed in judgment, and his case immediately fails. In the second part, which is of six hundred and forty years, many things were included: first, I showed that the ancient tradition among the Greeks concerning Magdalene and the others has always been preserved. Then, by presenting the martyrologies of the Roman and other Churches, I showed from what time, not by the public judgment of the Church, but by the unlearned zeal of certain private persons, there was added to them that Magdalene, Martha, and Lazarus had departed in Provence. Third, I fixed the surest epoch with Maximinus, and I demonstrated that in the litanies of the Church of Aix itself, published in the year 1577, it still had no place there, and that it could scarcely have been omitted in them, since perpetual tradition would have claimed it. Fourth, I set forth the manifold fiction concerning Magdalene and Lazarus, and by mere recitation
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 5 sustuli. Quintò, prosam Lazari in diuinis quærundam Galliæ Ecclesiarum officiis cantari hodiéque solitam obieci, quæ eundem in Cypro vita functum testatur. Sextò, ortum & progressionem fabulosæ narrationis, quæ de Magdalenæ & aliorum in Gallias appulsu circumfertur, indicaui, & quæ de hoc appulsu præcipua in pluribus breuiariis & manuscriptis codicibus leguntur, omnia ex Actis Magdalenæ & Marthæ derivari probaui. Porrò hæc Acta Vincentius Bellouacensis in Speculum Historiale coniecit, vbi libro 10. cap. 107. ex auctore suo configuntur: Marcella post excessum beatæ Marthæ (cuius erat pedissequa) decem annis superuixit, cuius vitam non paruo volumine Hebraicè conscripsit, quâ ego Synthex multa prætermittens Latinè transcripsi. Euchodius autem, Germanus, Parmenas, & Sosthenes beatæ Marthæ comites & alumni, quoad vixerunt, ad sacratissimam eius sepulturam peruigilantes ibidem beato fine quieuerunt. Sic hæc Acta non priùs ad originem suam censentur, quàm commentitia nemo cordatus non agnoscat. Et tamen ex illorum Actorum codice tanquam ex ingéti quodam prôptuario sumpta sunt, quæ apud Auctores Vincentio posteriores cumulatè reperiûtur. Septimò, docui montem illum, cui nomen est Bauma, seu Balma, vocatum nondum esse sanctum, quo tempore Ionuillæus historiam beati Ludouici scripsit: Rex, inquit cap. 80. visitatum iit locum nomine Bau- mam, vbi, vt dicebatur, tanquam in eremo multos annos traduxerat Magdalena. Sic mendax fama incæpit, & postea veritatis sedem occupauit, cùm inuenerunt, quod inuenire voluerunt, & quoq
Transcription: Translated (English)
ON MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 5 I removed. Fifth, I adduced the prose of Lazarus, which is customarily sung even today in the divine offices of certain churches of Gaul, and which testifies that he died in Cyprus. Sixth, I indicated the origin and development of the fabulous tale which is circulated about the arrival of Magdalene and others in Gaul, and I proved that everything that is read in many breviaries and manuscript codices as the chief points concerning this arrival is derived from the Acts of Magdalene and Martha. Moreover, Vincent of Beauvais inserted these Acts into the Speculum Historiale, where in book 10, chapter 107, they are fashioned from his source: Marcella, after the death of blessed Martha, whose servant she was, survived her by ten years; and I transcribed her life in Latin from a large Hebrew volume, omitting many things in the epitome. Euchodius, however, Germanus, Parmenas, and Sosthenes, companions and attendants of blessed Martha, keeping watch there as long as they lived at her most holy burial place, rested there in blessed end. Thus these Acts are not regarded as originating before no sensible person fails to recognize them as fictitious. And yet from the codex of those Acts, as from some great storehouse, are taken the things that are found in abundance among authors later than Vincent. Seventh, I showed that that mountain, whose name is Bauma, or Balma, was not yet called holy at the time when Joinville wrote the history of blessed Louis: the king, he says in chapter 80, went to visit a place called Baumam, where, as was said, Magdalene had spent many years in a sort of wilderness. Thus the deceitful rumor began, and afterwards occupied the seat of truth, when they found what they wished to find, and accordingly
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6 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS modo inuenire voluerunt. Octauò, plures Pontifices adduxi, qui ante institutum fratrum Prædicatorum Ordinem scripserunt, Maria Magdalena corpus in Monasterio Vizeliaci quiescere, coli & miraculis illustrari. Vnde sub Innocentio III. Maria Magdalena monasterium dictum est. Hoc insuper ex Dominicanis auctoribus Vincentio Bellouacensi, & Iacobo Genuensi confirmaui, quibus adieci totius Ordinis Breuiarium, quod anno 1254. confectum est, hodiéque Lutetiæ asseruatur in Bibliotheca Conuentus sancti Iacobi, vbi sic habetur in festo Magdalenæ: Translatum est corpus Maria Magdalena de loco prædicto (Aquensi vrbe) ad monasterium, quod dicitur Virziliacum, anno passionis Domini 749. Hæc sexta lectio, quæ quanquam fabulosa, sufficit tamen, vt Dominicanis Sammaximiensibus ora obstruantur, immo vt & alia dicantur, quæ facilè cuiquam venire in mentem possunt. Postremò, contentiones, quæ de reliquiis Magdalenæ inter Vizeliaci monachos, & sancti Maximini Prædicatores exortæ sunt, in medium adduxi, atque ita discussi, vt promptum monachis fuerit, vnica Sammaximinenses exceptione refellere, N I MONASTERIUM NOSTRVM IN POSSESSIONE MAGDALENÆ SVÆ SIT, ET EVERIT AB ALI QVOT SÆCVLIS ATQVE ADEO POSSEDERIT PRO SVA, ILLO IPSO TEMPORE, QVO AB ADVERSARIIS TVREARI POSSESSIO COEPTA, ET NI NVNC ADHVC POSSIDEBAT, QVANDO HANC LITEM NOBISCVM EVERVNT CONTESTATI.
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6 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY they wished to discover the way. Eighth, I cited several Popes who, before the institution of the Order of Friars Preachers, had written that the body of Mary Magdalene rested in the monastery of Vézelay, was honored there, and glorified by miracles. Whence, under Innocent III, it was called the monastery of Mary Magdalene. I further confirmed this from Dominican authorities, Vincent of Beauvais and James of Genoa, to whom I added the Breviary of the whole Order, composed in the year 1254 and today preserved at Paris in the library of the Convent of Saint James, where it is found thus on the feast of Magdalene: “The body of Mary Magdalene was transferred from the aforesaid place (the city of Aix) to the monastery called Virziliacum, in the year 749 from the Passion of the Lord.” This is the sixth reading, which, although fabulous, is nevertheless sufficient to shut the mouths of the Dominicans of Saint-Maximin, indeed to allow other things to be said as well, which can easily occur to anyone’s mind. Lastly, I brought forward the disputes that arose concerning the relics of Magdalene between the monks of Vézelay and the Preachers of Saint-Maximin, and I discussed them so fully that it was easy for the monks to refute the Saint-Maximinians with a single exception, namely: “If our monastery were in possession of its Magdalene, and had possessed her as its own for ever so many centuries, and indeed ever since the very time when the possession was first claimed by the adversaries, and if it were not now still in possession when they brought this case against us.”
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 7 At Guesnæus noster ista propemodum omnia, quæ singulatim expensa sunt in Dissertatione, fur- tim præterit. Quinetiam omni excusso pudore, Magdalenæ nauigationem, in Prouinciam appul- sum, Euangelij prædicationem, & alia describit, quæ in recensitis apud Vincentium Actis fusè nar- rantur, quæque canone 93. Codicis Africani, & capite 42. libri primi Capitularium Caroli Magni prædamnantur. Nonnulla tantùm silet, quæ sibi fabulosiora videntur, & quibus cetera ab erudi- tis hominibus configuntur: quippe quæ non ha- beant, vnde ante annum Christi sexcentesimum sustententur. Sed quod omnino notandum est, non plura de Magdalenæ cataplo recensuit, aut probauit, quàm recenseri, probarive posse mo- nui. Nullum enim probum auctorem profert, qui ante memoratum Christi annum sexcentesi- mum vixerit, & vna scripserit, Magdalenam & alios è Iudæa in Prouinciam nauigando transisse: nul- lum vetus instrumentum quamlibet incertum, & variis assumentis deprauatum ex tabulariis Pro- uinciæ eruit, quod ante idem tempus confectum huic nauigationi fidem vllam præstet. Quapro- pter hac in quæstione verissimum esse constat, quod Baronius anno 604. sapienter asseruit, acci- dere interdum solere, vt aliquid vulgò allatum, si quis certos velit examinare testes, an verum sit, neminem id seriò testantem inueniat, fiatque, vt quod ab omnibus dici iactatur, asseratur à nemine, rumórque ille enanescat in auras. A iiiij
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ON MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 7 Our Guesnaeus here passes over almost all those things which were separately examined in the Dissertation, by stealth. Indeed, with all shame cast off, he describes Magdalene’s voyage, her landing in Provence, the preaching of the Gospel, and other matters, which are narrated at length in the Acts cited by Vincentius, and which are condemned in canon 93 of the African Code, and in chapter 42 of the first book of the Capitularies of Charlemagne. He is silent only about certain things that seem to him more fabulous, and by which the rest are refuted by learned men: namely, those things which have no support from before the year of Christ six hundred. But what must by all means be noted is that he has neither recounted nor approved more concerning Magdalene’s landing than I had indicated could be recounted or approved. For he produces no sound author who lived and wrote before the aforesaid year 600 of Christ, that Magdalene and others sailed from Judea to Provence; nor does he draw from the archives of Provence any ancient document, however uncertain and corrupted by various additions, which was made before the same time and would give any credence to this voyage. Wherefore, in this question, it is quite clear that the truest thing is what Baronius wisely asserted in the year 604: that it sometimes happens that something commonly reported, if one wishes to examine certain witnesses as to whether it is true, one finds no one seriously testifying to it, and thus it comes about that what is proclaimed by all is affirmed by none, and that rumor vanishes into the air. A iiiij
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8 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS CAPVT TERTIVM. Guesnæus Sapientiam, Ecclesiasticum, Tobiam, Iudith, & Machabæorum libros ab Ec- clesiæ Romanæ canone expungit. V T argumentum istud, quod grauissimum est, planum fiat committenda sunt, quæ ho- mo mirimè malus scribit pagina 217. cum iis, quæ Concilium Tridentinum de scripturis Canonicis decernit. Videamus igitur egregiam hominis ora- tionem: Scriptura, inquit, seu libri de rebus Ecclesi- asticis tractantes in tria genera distinguuntur: primi enim generis libri sunt qui Canonici consentur, se- cûdi generis Hagiographi, tertij verò Apocryphi. Ca- nonici libri dicuntur, omnes scripturæ quas recipit Ecclesia, vt publicè legantur. In ædificationem fide- lium, & ex quibus sumatur efficax argumentum ad probandum ea, quæ fidei sunt, & ad fidem pertinent, quibusque vti debemus, ad hæreses, earumque au- ctores confutandos. & post alia: Hagiographi dicun- tur ij, quos eadem Ecclesia probauit, vt publicè le- gerentur ad ædificationem fidelium, non tamen ha- berent canonicam auctoritatem ad probanda ea, quæ ad fidem pertinent, irrefragabili approbatione. & post alia: Sed & Rufinus in expositione symboli ad- hæc scribit de his Hagiographis scripturis: Quæ om- nia legi quidem in Ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei confirman- dam. Hæc Guesnæus noster aduersarius, qui vt
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8 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY CHAPTER THREE. Guesnæus expunges Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and the books of the Maccabees from the Roman Church’s canon. In order that this argument, which is the most weighty one, may be made clear, the things that the man who is exceedingly bad writes on page 217 must be compared with those which the Council of Trent decrees concerning the Canonical Scriptures. Let us therefore examine the man’s excellent statement: Scripture, he says, or the books treating of ecclesiastical matters, are distinguished into three classes: the books of the first class are those which are reckoned Canonical; of the second class, Hagiographical; and of the third, Apocryphal. Canonical books are called all the Scriptures which the Church receives, so that they may be publicly read, for the edification of the faithful, and from which an effective argument may be drawn to prove those things which belong to faith and concern faith, and which we ought to use in refuting heresies and their authors. And after other things: Hagiographical books are those which the same Church has approved for public reading, for the edification of the faithful, yet not as having canonical authority for proving, with unshakable approval, those things which pertain to faith. And after other things: But Rufinus also writes these things about those Hagiographical Scriptures in his exposition of the Symbol: all these writings they indeed wished to be read in the Churches, but not to be brought forward as authority for confirming the faith from them. This is what our adversary Guesnæus says, who in order to
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSE. 9 fidem mentemque suam nonnihil regeret, Rufini verba subdolè truncauit, nos integra repræsentamus, vt quod venenum ad perniciem aliorum cautè occultatum est, nunc detectum, & omni- bus expositum neminem lædæ: Et ideo, inquit Rufinus, quæ sunt noui ac veteris instrumenti volumina, quæ secundum maiorum traditionem per ipsum Spiritum sanctum inspirata creduntur. & post alia: Hæc sunt, quæ Patres intra canonem concluserunt, ex quibus fidei nostræ assertiones constare voluerunt. Sciendum tamen est, quod alij libri sunt, qui non Canonici, sed Ecclesiastici à maioribus appellati sunt, vt est Sapientia Salomonis, & alia Sapientia, quæ dicitur filij Syrach, qui liber apud Latinos hoc ipso generali vocabulo Ecclesiasticus appellatur. Eiusdem ordinis est libellus Tobiæ & Iudith, & Machabeorum libri. In nouo verò testamento libellus, qui dicitur Pastoris, sive Hermatis, qui appellatur Dux viæ vel Iudicium Petri, quæ omnia legi quidem in Ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam. Ceteras verò scripturas apocryphas nominarunt, quas in Ecclesiis legi noluerunt. Hæc sunt Rufini verba, quæ Guesnæus probando sua fecit, vt ex iis contra nos disputaret. Sed iis opponimus tandem hoc Concilij Tridentini de scripturis Canonicis decretum. Sacrorum verò librorum indicem huic decreto adscribendum censuit, ne cui dubitatio suboriri possit, quinam sint, qui ab ipsa synodo suscipiuntur. Sunt verò infrà scripti Testamenti veteris quinque Moysi, i. Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomium, Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, quæ tuor Regum, duo Paralipomenon, Esdræ primus, &
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 9 to direct his faith and mind somewhat, Rufinus cut the words of Rufinus deceitfully; we present them intact, so that the poison, which was carefully concealed for the destruction of others, now disclosed and exposed to all, may harm no one: And therefore, he says, Rufinus, the volumes of the New and Old Testament, which according to the tradition of the ancients are believed to have been inspired by the Holy Spirit. And after other things: These are the books which the Fathers enclosed within the canon, from which they wished the assertions of our faith to be derived. Yet it must be known that there are other books, which were called by the ancients not canonical, but ecclesiastical, as is the Wisdom of Solomon, and another Wisdom, which is called the Wisdom of the son of Sirach, the book which among the Latins by this same general title is called Ecclesiasticus. Of the same order is the little book of Tobit and Judith, and the books of the Maccabees. In the New Testament, moreover, the little book which is called the Shepherd, or Hermas, which is called the Guide of the Way or the Judgment of Peter, all of which they wished indeed to be read in the Churches, but not to be brought forward as authority for confirming faith from them. The rest of the writings they called apocryphal, which they did not wish to be read in the Churches. These are the words of Rufinus, which Guesnæus, approving them, made his own, so that from them he might dispute against us. But against them we finally oppose this decree of the Council of Trent concerning the Canonical Scriptures. It judged that a list of the sacred books should be appended to this decree, so that no doubt might arise as to which are those received by the synod itself. The books of the Old Testament written below are the five books of Moses, that is, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Ruth, the four books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, First Esdras, and
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IO DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS secundus, qui dicitur Nebemias, Tobias, Iudith, Hester, Iob, Psalterium Dauidicum centum quinquaginta Psalmorum, Parabola, Ecclesiastes, Canticum Canticorum, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Hieremias. & post alia: Si quis autem libros ipsos integros cum omnibus suis partibus, prout in Ecclesia Catholica legi consueuerunt & in veteri vulgata latina editione habentur, pro sacris & canonicis non susceperit, & traditiones prædictas sciens & prudens contempserit, anathema sit. Quam hoc loco culpam arguimus, eiusmodi est, vt dicendo augeri nec postulet, nec fortè possit. Res ipsa argumentatione eleuaretur. Absit verò absit, vt virum tam insigniter errantem imitemur, qui mirum quantum acerbitatis suæ virus in nos euomeret, si libris Sapientiæ, Ecclesiastici, Tobia, Iudith & Machabæorum canonicam auctoritatem detraheremus, si hos libros non pluris, quàm pastoris libellum haberemus. Viderint autem, qui librum suis calculis probarunt, quò se recipient. Nos hîc vnum dicimus: Vir ille bonus vel id renocabit, quod de illis libris ex Rusino contra Tridentinum Concilium scripsit, vel obstinato pertinacique animo defender; si primum eligat, & Romanæ & Normanæ communionis erit, & suis ipse scommatibus illudetur; si secundum, neutrius: consideret autem quæ sua futura sit communio. Cetera ad censores Romanos remitto.
Transcription: Translated (English)
On the Inquiry of the Inquiry the second, which is called Nebemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Psalter of David of one hundred and fifty Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaiah, Jeremiah. And after other things: If anyone, however, shall not receive these very books whole, with all their parts, as they have been accustomed to be read in the Catholic Church and are contained in the old Latin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical, and, knowingly and deliberately, shall despise the aforesaid traditions, let him be anathema. The fault which we here accuse is such that it does not require, nor perhaps can it be, augmented by saying it. The thing itself would be raised up by argumentation. But away, indeed away, with our imitating a man who has erred so conspicuously, who would vomit out against us how great a poison of his bitterness if we were to strip from the books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Judith, and Maccabees their canonical authority, if we were to hold these books as no more than the pastor’s little book. Let those, however, who have approved the book by their own votes, look to where they will turn. We say this one thing here: that good man will either retract that which he wrote about those books from Rusinus against the Council of Trent, or with stubborn and obstinate mind will defend it; if he choose the former, he will belong to both the Roman and Norman communion, and he himself will be mocked by his own jests; if the latter, to neither: let him consider, however, what his communion is to be. The rest I refer to the Roman censors.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. II CAPVT QVARTVM. Mirifica in Guesnæo ratiocinandi facultas. QVÆ ratiocinationum exempla subiicimus, capitis argumentum bellissimè probabunt. Aduersarius noster, vbi nonnullis capitibus vulgarem de Massiliensi Magdalena opinionem exposuit, tum sese ad disputandum comparat cap. 12. cuius lemmata est: Loci ac sedes argumentorum ad faciendam fidem de rebus Magdalena hactenus expositis. Deinde sic disputat cap. 1; cuius hic insignis est titulus: Primus locus: Ratio ducta ex testimoniis Scripturæ, sine discursus Theologicus, qui num. 3. & sequentibus talis habetur: Vnum igitur hoc sumo, (quod mihi apertum scripturæ testimonium, resque manifesta dat) tempore Apostolorum peruenisse ad omnes prædicationem Euangelij Matthæi 24. & prædicabitur hoc Euangelium in vniuerso orbe in testimonium omnibus gentibus, & tunc veniet consummatio. In hunc porro locum citat multos scripturæ Interpretes, Eusebium, Hilarium, Chrysostomum, Ambrosium, Theophylactum, Anselmum & Salmeronem, qui solus cum honoris præfatione nominatur. & postalia: Secundò confirmari potest ex verbis Apostoli, qui in Epistola ad Romanos scribit: sed nunquid non audierunt? & quidem in omnem terram exiuit sonus eorum, & in fines orbis terræ verba eorum. & postalia: Tertiò Colossensibus scribens affirmat, verbum
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ABOUT MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLE. II CHAPTER FOUR. The marvelous power of reasoning in Guesnaeus. THE examples of reasoning which we set forth below will very well prove the subject of the chapter. Our adversary, after in certain chapters he has set out the common opinion about the Magdalene of Marseille, then prepares himself to dispute, chap. 12, whose heading is: The places and seats of arguments for establishing confidence in the matters about the Magdalene thus far set forth. Then he argues thus in chap. 1; whose remarkable title is this: First place: Reason drawn from the testimonies of Scripture, or theological discourse, which in no. 3 and the following is stated as follows: I therefore take this one point, (which the clear testimony of Scripture and the obvious fact itself give me), that in the time of the Apostles the preaching of the Gospel had reached everyone, according to Matthew 24: And this Gospel shall be preached in the whole world as a witness to all nations, and then the consummation will come. In support of this passage he cites many interpreters of Scripture: Eusebius, Hilary, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Theophylact, Anselm, and Salmeron, who alone is named with an expression of respect. And afterward: Secondly, it can be confirmed from the words of the Apostle, who in the Epistle to the Romans writes: but have they not heard? and indeed their sound has gone out into all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world. And afterward: Thirdly, writing to the Colossians, he affirms, the word
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12 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS veritatis Euangelij peruenisse ad eos, sicut & in vniverso mundo est, & fructificat, & crescit, sicut in vobis ex eadie, qua audistis & cognouistis gratiam Dei in veritate: quæ verba apertè declarant, tempore Pauli Apostoli prædicationem Euangelicam, ad omnes nationes tunc notas peruenisse. & post alia: Quartò in Actis dicit Christus Apostolis: Eritis mihi testes in Ierusalem, & in omni Iudæa, & Samaria, & vsque ad vltimum terræ, quod de personis Apostolorum potissimum, non de successoribus intelligendum videtur, sicut & illud, Euntes in mundum vniversum prædicate Euangelium omni creaturæ. & post alia: Denique mirificè congruere ac cohærere cum diuina prouidentia dicitur, quod Augustinus sapienter animaduertit contra Donatistas, vt Ecclesia institueretur Catholica, & non personarum modò, sed etiam locorum ac regionum amplitudine vniversalis. At secundum ista omnia, quæ antecedentis locum habent, ita Guesnæus num. 14. concludit: Quibus omnibus ex locis & auctoribus satis confirmatur sententia de Magdalena aduentu in Gallias & Massiliam appulsu. Spectatum admissi risum teneatis: Nos contrà si subtilissimi viri dialecticam sequamur, cur non æquè ex illis scripturæ locis colligemus: Igitur Magdalena perrexit Ephesum, aut in Mesopotamiam, Arabiamve concessit Euangelium nuntiatura: vel; Petrus aut Ioannes Massiliam appulit, ibique pluribus exantlatis in Euangelij prædicatione laboribus obdormiuit. In summa ex generalibus illis scripturæ testimoniis Apostolorum quemlibet
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12 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS that the truth of the Gospel had come to them, as also in the whole world it is, and bears fruit, and grows, as in you from the day on which you heard and knew the grace of God in truth: which words plainly declare that, in the time of the Apostle Paul, the preaching of the Gospel had reached all the nations then known. And after other things: Fourthly, in the Acts Christ says to the Apostles: You shall be my witnesses in Jerusalem, and in all Judea, and Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth, which ought chiefly to be understood of the persons of the Apostles, not of their successors, as also that saying, Going into the whole world, preach the Gospel to every creature. And after other things: Finally, it is said to be wonderfully in agreement and harmony with divine providence, what Augustine wisely observed against the Donatists, that the Church should be established Catholic, and universal not only in persons, but also in the extent of places and regions. But according to all these things, which take the place of what precedes, Guesnæus thus concludes, no. 14: By all these places and authorities the opinion is sufficiently confirmed concerning Magdalene’s coming into Gaul and landing at Marseilles. You who have been admitted to see this, hold your laughter: we on the contrary, if we follow the dialectic of the most subtle man, why should we not equally from those places of Scripture gather: Therefore Magdalene went to Ephesus, or she went to Mesopotamia or Arabia to proclaim the Gospel: or else Peter or John landed at Marseilles, and there, after enduring many labors in the preaching of the Gospel, fell asleep. In sum, from those general testimonies of Scripture any one of the Apostles
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 13 quem volueris in locum ablegabis. Sunt & alia hoc in capite momenta, quæ grauissimus Auctor perurget, sed ne me in simulet, sic exhibenda duco: Noluit Deus tam illustrem honore, ac nomine prouinciam, & ciuitates diuturnis errorum tenebris & caligine occultare depressas, dum finitima regiones susciperentur in lucem. Vnde concludit: Igitur Magdalena cum aliis è Iudæa in Prouinciam adnavigauit. Deinde fuit semper Romanos inter & Massilienses fidelissima societas, ex quo penè contrahendarum rerum vsus esse coepit inter gentes. Itaque Magdalena Massiliensibus euangelium prædicauit. quidni & Deipara ex tali antecedente? Fortassis, quia Romana non erat, Magdalena verò Romana, eâ- quere ad Romanorum & Massiliensium societatem pertinuit. Postremò hoc amentatum telum coniicit: Massilia studia Græcarum literarum vigebant, & apud Manutium in prouerbio est: Massiliam nauiges. quid inde? Igitur Magdalena, Lazarus, Maximinus & Martha in porium Massiliensem penetrarunt, vt euangelicæ prædicationi per totam ferè prouinciam vacarent. Profectò qui Theologus sic disputat, Massilia nauiget Anticyras necesse est, ibique tribus medicamétis valetudinem suam curet. Hactenus ex c.13. nunc ex c.14. cuius hæc est inscriptio: Alter locus: Traditio Ecclesiastica in forma præcepti: Sic autem ex hoc Apostoli loco argumentatur: Tenete traditiones, inquit, quas didicistis sine per sermonem, sine per Epistolam nostram. Si traditio pressè & angustè definiatur, doctrinam
Transcription: Translated (English)
OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 13 whomever you may wish, you will send away to his place. There are also other points of importance in this chapter, which the very severe Author presses, but lest he trick me, I think they should be presented thus: God did not wish so illustrious a province, in honor and name, and its cities, hidden and cast down in the long darkness and gloom of errors, while neighboring regions were being brought into the light. Whence he concludes: Therefore Magdalena, together with others, sailed from Judea to the Province. Then there was always a very faithful alliance between the Romans and the Marseillais, from the time when the practice of making treaties began to exist among nations. Thus Magdalena preached the Gospel to the Marseillais. Why not also the Mother of God from such a precedent? Perhaps because she was not Roman, while Magdalena was Roman, and therefore she belonged to the alliance of the Romans and the Marseillais. Finally he throws out this foolish dart: In Marseilles the study of Greek letters flourished, and with Manutius it is a proverb: Sail to Marseilles. What then? Therefore Magdalena, Lazarus, Maximinus and Martha penetrated the port of Marseilles, so that they might devote themselves to evangelical preaching throughout nearly the whole province. Truly, the theologian who argues in this way must sail to Anticyra, and there cure his health with three medicines. So far from chapter 13; now from chapter 14, whose inscription is this: Another place: Ecclesiastical Tradition in the form of a precept: And thus from this place of the Apostle he argues: Hold fast the traditions, he says, which you have learned, whether by word or by our Epistle. If tradition be defined strictly and narrowly, doctrine
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14 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS significat non scriptam, sed voce traditam, & per temporum successiones memoria retentam. & post alia: Traditio, inquit, generatim tribuitur in diuinam & Ecclesiasticam: diuina est, quæ originem habet à veritate Dei docentis per se, vel per creaturam. Ecclesiastica est consuetudo quædam antiqua, vel ab episcopis vel à populo inchoata; ex quibus paulò pòst ita concludit: Ex his iam ad institutum nostrum duo, quæ vera sunt, pro veris probamus: primum est de Magdalena aduentu cum Lazaro, Martha & Maximino in Gallias veterem haberi traditionem, vt testatur Baronius in notis ad Martyrologium 22. Iulij. Alterum, vim quandam obtinere præcepti, quod colligitur ex Breuiario, cuius editionem probauit Pius V. & alij quidam Pontifices. Sicanimosè disserit bonus ille vir, nî meliùs dicamus, sic Ecclesiasticam traditionem populatur, sic Pontifices irridet, qui cùm in dies Breuiaria corrigant, nondum extremam illis additam esse manum docent. Nônne quotidie videmus publicis inditum thesibus, neque idolis thus adoleuisse Marcellinum, neque Constantinum Romæ fuisse tinctum, quanquam aliter Breuiaria repræsentant? Nônne post Bullam Gregorij XIII. Romano Martyrologio additam sublatum est, quod 24. Ianuarij de Synoride martyre habebatur? Nônne Baronij annotatio in hunclocum expuncta est? Guesnæus legat Romani Martyrologij editiones, quæ annum 1587. sequuntur, & videat, vtrum hæc in eo reperiantur, quæ anno prædicto in eodem sic reperiuntur, ad 24. Ianuarij: Antiochiæ sanctæ Synoridis martyris. Baronij annotatio: De ea scribit sanctus Ioannes
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14 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS signifies not something written, but handed down by word of mouth, and preserved in memory through the succession of ages. And after other things: Tradition, he says, is generally divided into divine and ecclesiastical: divine is that which has its origin from the truth of God teaching by Himself, or through a creature. Ecclesiastical is a certain ancient custom, either begun by bishops or by the people; from which he shortly afterward concludes thus: From these things, then, to our present purpose, we prove as true those two things which are true: the first is that the tradition of the coming of Magdalene with Lazarus, Martha, and Maximinus into Gaul is to be regarded as ancient, as Baronius testifies in the notes to the Martyrology of July 22. The second is that a certain force of precept is obtained, which is gathered from the Breviary, whose edition was approved by Pius V and certain other Pontiffs. The good man argues with such heated animosity—or rather, let us say better, he thus attacks ecclesiastical tradition, thus mocks the Pontiffs, who, though they correct the Breviaries day by day, teach that no final hand has yet been added to them. Do we not daily see, set forth in public theses, that Marcellinus did not burn incense to idols, nor was Constantine baptized at Rome, although the Breviaries represent it otherwise? Do we not see that after the Bull of Gregory XIII, added to the Roman Martyrology, what was held on January 24 concerning the martyr Synorides was removed? Is not Baronius’ annotation on this passage struck out? Let Guesnæus read the editions of the Roman Martyrology which follow the year 1587, and let him see whether those things are found there which in the aforesaid year are found thus in the same place, under January 24: At Antioch, of the holy martyr Synorides. Baronius’ note: Concerning her Saint John writes
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 15 Chrysostomus homilia 4. de Lazaro, de alia iuniori nobilitate & pietate clara foemina Synoride sanctus Hieronymus in epistola ad Demetriadem. Verùm ex nomine appellatiuo hîc factum erat proprium, & ex proprio Synoris virgo & martyr. quod errati genus ex ipsomet Chrysostomi loco deprehensum est: apud quem idem valet πῶν αγίων μαρτύρων ἐνωεις, atque apud Theodoretum in epistola 113. δία ἐνωεις πῶν ἀποσόλων. vel in Psalmi 28. commentariis, ἐνωεις πῶν ἀποσόλων, vbi filios tonitrui bigam apostolorum appellat. De eo autem, quod Baronius in notis ad 22. Iulij de Magdalena scribit, monet ipse seruandam esse Pauli Apostoli regulam, vt cuncta probans, quod bonum est, teneas; adeo non acta Magdalena credenda iussit, vt præcipuam adhibuerit cautionem, nequis ea temerè, ac sine iudicio susciperet. Nos verò dicimus, & in hac Disquisitione probamus ea, quæ Baronius laudat, ex nouitia traditione pendere, si tamen quæ talia sunt, traditionis nomen merentur, & tandem ad subditi- tia Magdalena & Marthæ gesta referri, nec vlla antiquitate fabulas præuertente fulciri. Ceterum aliud est, Pontifices Breuiariorum editionem ratam habere, quæ quorundam hominum curâ comparatur, aliud definire, ea omnia, quæ his in breuiariis leguntur, historicæ veritati penitus consentire. At ista duo, quæ toto cælo differunt, aduersarius noster pro sui iudicij acrimonia confundit, & quicquid Pontifices au- ctoritatis habent in examinandis eiusmodi libris, summum in discrimen adducit. Neque verò cum Pontificibus agendum ita mihi videtur, qui cen-
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On Mary of Marseilles. 15 Chrysostom, Homily 4 on Lazarus, and Saint Jerome in the epistle to Demetrias, speak of another younger woman, distinguished by nobility and piety, Synoride. But here a common noun had been turned into a proper name, and from the proper name Synoris, virgin and martyr. This kind of error was detected from Chrysostom’s own passage, in which the same thing is meant by πῶν αγίων μαρτύρων ἐνωεις, as in Theodoret in epistle 113, δία ἐνωεις πῶν ἀποσόλων; or in the commentaries on Psalm 28, ἐνωεις πῶν ἀποσόλων, where he calls the sons of thunder a pair of apostles. As for what Baronius writes in the notes on July 22 about Mary, he himself warns that the rule of the Apostle Paul must be observed: proving all things, hold fast that which is good; so far from ordering Mary’s acts to be believed, he added the greatest caution, lest anyone should rashly and without judgment accept them. But we say, and in this inquiry we prove, that the things which Baronius praises depend on a recent tradition, if indeed things of that sort deserve the name of tradition, and that in the end they are to be referred to the subordinate deeds of Mary and Martha, and are supported by no antiquity, with fables having been introduced in advance. Besides, it is one thing for the Pontiffs to approve the edition of breviaries, which is compiled by the care of certain men; it is another thing to determine that everything read in those breviaries is in full agreement with historical truth. But these two things, which differ as far as heaven from earth, our adversary, in the sharpness of his own judgment, confuses, and whatever authority the Pontiffs have in examining books of this kind, he brings into the gravest danger. Nor indeed does it seem to me that one should deal with the Pontiffs in such a way, who cen-
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16 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS tum abhinc annos omni ope atque diligentia tentarunt, vt Ecclesiastici officij codices identidem emendarentur, nihilque in iis, quod verum non esset, retineretur. Scilicet optimis pastoribus dere benè gesta gratulandum est, sperandumque, cetera quorum falsitas in dies exploratur, sublatum iri. Vno verbo quod opus maiores felici successu incæperunt, posteri ad colophonem aliquando perducent. Et certè quàm puri & illimes esse debent sacrorum libri, iampridem docuit nos Vrbanus octauus, qui in Hymnis non alienos modò & discrepantes sensus, sed vel ipsius prosodiæ vitia eruditissimè correxit. CAPVT QVINTVM. Mala Guesnæi in citandis auctoribus fides. HO e loco malæ fidei syllabum dabimus, quem ex variis Guesnæianæ Disquisitionis capitibus excerpemus. Imprimis mala fide agit, cùm pagina 35. Innocentij Papæ verba producit in epistola ad Decentium: Quod nullus Apostolorum in Hispania vel Gallia populum gentilem docuerit, sed illi tantùm, quos in eas regiones misisset Petrus Apostolus. At disiunctiùam particulam sustulit, quæ alium omnino sensum efficit. Sic autem scribit Innocentius: Cùm manifestum sit, in omnem Italian, &c. nullum instituisse Ecclesias, nisi eos, quos venerabilis Apostolus Petrus, auteius successores constituerint sacerdotes. Se-
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16 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS then, beginning many years ago, with all their might and diligence, they tried to have the books of the ecclesiastical office corrected from time to time, and nothing retained in them that was not true. Certainly the best pastors must be congratulated for what has been well done, and it is to be hoped that the rest, the falsity of which is being discovered day by day, will be removed. In a word, the work which our elders began with happy success their successors will at some point bring to completion. And certainly how pure and spotless the sacred books ought to be, Urban VIII has long since taught us, he who in the Hymns not only corrected with great learning foreign and conflicting meanings, but even the faults of the prosody itself. CAPVT QVINTVM. The bad faith of Guesnæus in citing authors. From this place we shall give a sample of bad faith, which we shall excerpt from various chapters of Guesnæus’s Disquisition. First of all he acts in bad faith when on page 35 he quotes the words of Pope Innocent in the letter to Decentius: That none of the Apostles in Spain or Gaul taught the gentile people, but only those whom the Apostle Peter had sent into those regions. But he removed the adversative particle, which gives an altogether different meaning. Thus, however, Innocent writes: Since it is manifest that in all Italy, etc., he established no churches except those whom the venerable Apostle Peter, or his successors, had appointed as priests. Se-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 17 Secundò mala fide agit, dum pagina 50. sic nugatur: De Crescente constat ex Eusebio ac Nicephoro missum à Paulo Apostolatum accepisse in Gallias, ac Viennensem & Moguntinam Ecclesias erexisse. At neque Eusebius, neque Nicephorus Vien- nensis & Moguntinæ Ecclesiarum meminerunt, quas Crescens gubernarit. Deinde corruptus est Eusebij locus, tum quia secundam ad Timo- theum epistolam citat, vbi non Galliarum, sed Galatiæ nomen habetur: tum quia apud Euse- bium Rufini, qui ab Hilduino laudatur, Crescens ad Galatas profectus est. Postremò Galliarum vocabulo, si adesset, sola Galatia Asiæ regio in- telligeretur. Tertiò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 83. ex Cæsa- rij Arelatensis testamento, quod ait per modum epistolæ conscriptum esse, hæc adducit: monaste- rio (cui Cæsariam sororem præfecit) contulimus agellum Syluanum, in quo sita est Ecclesia sanctæ Mariæ de Ratis: hoc est, vt Guesnæus interpreta- tur, à rate seu naui, qua delecti è Iudæa viri vecti vnà cum Maximino & Magdalena Massiliam pe- netrarunt. ô egregiam interpretationem! sed vnde habet, hanc basilicam esse potiùs Mariæ Magda- lenæ, quàm Mariæ Iacobi, Salomes, vel Marthæ, quas vno vectas cata scopio in Prouinciam appu- lisse scribit? & sanè in antiquis aut recentibus monimentis, vt solo sanctæ Mariæ nomine non alia Maria, quàm Deipara intelligitur, sic & per Ecclesiam sanctæ Mariæ non alia, quàm Deiparæ Ecclesia nuncupatur. Deinde Guesnæus menti- tur, cùm illam Cæsarij epistolam anno 502. scri- ptam esse docet in breuiario Disquisitionis suæ. B
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OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 17 Secondly, he acts in bad faith when on page 50 he trifles as follows: From Eusebius and Nicephorus it is established that Crescens, sent by Paul and having received the Apostleship, went to Gaul, and founded the Churches of Vienne and Mainz. But neither Eusebius nor Nicephorus made mention of the Churches of Vienne and Mainz, which Crescens governed. Then the passage of Eusebius is corrupted, both because he cites the second epistle to Timothy, where the name not of Gaul, but of Galatia is found; and because in Eusebius, as translated by Rufinus, who is quoted by Hilduin, Crescens went to the Galatians. Finally, if the word Gaul were present, it would be understood to mean only Galatia, a region of Asia. Thirdly, he acts in bad faith when on page 83, from the testament of Caesarius of Arles, which he says was written in the form of a letter, he brings forward these words: we have granted to the monastery (to which he appointed his sister Caesaria as superior) the little estate of Silvanus, in which is situated the Church of Saint Mary of Ratis: that is, as Guesnæus interprets it, from a raft or ship by which the chosen men from Judea were conveyed together with Maximinus and Magdalena to Marseilles. O excellent interpretation! But where does he get that this basilica is rather that of Mary Magdalene, than of Mary of James, Salome, or Martha, whom he writes were brought to Provence in a single ship? And indeed, in ancient or recent monuments, just as by the mere name of Saint Mary no other Mary is understood than the Mother of God, so also by the Church of Saint Mary no other is designated than the Church of the Mother of God. Then Guesnæus lies when, in the brief account of his Inquiry, he states that that letter of Caesarius was written in the year 502. B
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18 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Hæc enim epistola die, consule, Cæsarij & testium subscriptione caret in Chronico Lirinensi, vbi primùm edita est. Tum à side abhorret, epistolam, quæ vim testamenti habet, anno 502. scripsisse Cæsarium, qui anno 535. adhuc degens in humanis ab Agapeto Papa literas accipit, quique apud Baronium anno 544. moritur. Præterea illo anno 502. nondum erat Episcopus, si, vt tradit Baronius, anno 544. vita defungitur, cùm quadraginta tantùm annos in episcopatu vixisse scribunt Messianus Presbyter & Stephanus Diaconus, qui alteram vitæ Cæsarij partem ediderunt. Hinc monasterium, cui agellum legat, nondum erat conditum: siquidem eo tantùm excessit anno, qui ab illius fundatione tricesimus fuit. Erant, inquiunt vitæ auctores, constitutionis monasteri[us] ipsius eo tempore anni pleni triginta. Postremò multa hanc epistolam dubiæ fidei esse ac suspectæ produnt, sed ea nunc persequi necesse non est. Ceterum aduersarius noster non multùm discrepat ab illo Atheniensi, qui naues omnes ad Piræum venientes, suas esse venditabat. Quæ sola fortè causa esse potest, cur malæ fidei crimen sine crimine incurrat. Quartò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 85. pro Massiliensi Magdalena Sigebertum adducit. Huius enim Gemblacense exemplar, quod Miræus edidit, de aduentu Magdalena in Gallias nihil tradit. Notaueram istud in Dissertatione mea, sed homo malæ fidei dissimulat, vt incautum lectorem in fraudem inducat. Quintò mala fide agit, cùm ibidem Sigeberti sui, id est, interpolati locum referendo integrum
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18 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION For this letter, in fact, in the year of the consulship, Caesar has no signature of witnesses in the Lirinense Chronicle, where it was first published. Then too it is repugnant to probability that Caesar, who in the year 535 was still living among the living and received letters from Pope Agapetus, and who, according to Baronius, died in the year 544, wrote a letter that has the force of a testament in the year 502. Moreover, in that year 502 he was not yet a bishop, if indeed, as Baronius relates, he died in 544, since Messianus the Presbyter and Stephen the Deacon, who published the other part of Caesar’s life, write that he lived only forty years in the episcopate. Hence the monastery, to which he bequeaths the little field, had not yet been founded; for he passed away only in the year which was the thirtieth from its foundation. “The monastery itself,” say the authors of the life, “had then already full thirty years of existence.” Finally, many things show that this letter is of doubtful credibility and suspect, but it is not necessary now to pursue them. Besides, our adversary does not differ much from that Athenian who used to claim that all ships arriving at Piraeus were his own. This alone perhaps can be the reason why he incurs the charge of bad faith without any offense. Fourthly, he acts in bad faith when on page 85 he cites Sigebert for the Massilian Magdalene. For the Gembloux exemplar of his, which Miraeus published, says nothing about Magdalene’s arrival in Gaul. I had noted this in my Dissertation, but the man of bad faith conceals it, in order to lead the unwary reader into error. Fifthly, he acts in bad faith when, in the same place, by citing the passage of his Sigebert, that is, the interpolated one, he presents it as though complete
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 19 non refert. Nempe hæc prætermittit verba: quanquam aliqui scribant, quòd hoc (Magdalenae corpus) apud Ephesum quiescat, nullum super se tegmen habens. Interpolator Sigeberti falsum vero immiscuit, sed qui nunc interpolatoris fraude vtitur, verum sustulit, vt falsum retineret, & aliis sui similibus deglutiendum propinaret. Sextò mala fide agit, cùm ibidem quoque de Hegesipposic scribit: Hegesippus Apostolicoru[m] temporum vicinus planè & apertè loquitur de Magdalenae in portum Massiliensem ex longa navigatione appulsu. At Hegesippi istius historiam, cuius meminit Hieronymus, deperditam esse eruditorum hominum nemo nescit: perpaucis tantùm eius fragmentis perfruimur, quæ ab Eusebio recitantur, vt ait Baronius ad annum 167. Guesnæus noster citat quidem Philippum Bergomensem recentissimum Scriptorem, qui & Hegesippo imposuit, & fabulosis narrationibus sua Chronica passim adspersit. Quinetiam Bergomensis auctoritate ruit, quicquid ille de Magdalenae inuentione apud Sammaximinum stabiliuit. Hæc enim ex vulgi nugis scribit lib.8. Chronicorum, post illa verba, quæ à viro bono citantur: illius autem corpus apud Massiliam Galliarum vrbem nunc que conditum habetur. Hîc ad malæ fidei specimen accedit, quòd non habeat librorum delectum, quo tamen honesti viri delectantur. Hegesippus verò, qui in Bibliotheca Patrum editus est, de Magdalena nihil simile tradit, nec præterea is est, qui ad annum 167. scripsit, nisi illum esse miserrimè deprauatum concedas. Septimò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 86. Ami- B ij
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ON MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 19 that is irrelevant. For he omits these words: “although some write that this body of Magdalene rests at Ephesus, having no covering over it.” The interpolator of Sigebert mixed in what was false; but the man who now makes use of the interpolator’s fraud has removed the truth, so as to retain the falsehood and to offer it for digestion by others like himself. Sixth, he acts in bad faith when in the same place he also writes concerning Hegesippus: “Hegesippus, plainly and openly speaking, neighbor to the Apostolic times, tells of Magdalene’s arrival in the harbor of Marseilles after a long voyage.” But the history of that Hegesippus, which Jerome mentions, is lost, as no learned man is ignorant; we enjoy only very few fragments of it, which are quoted by Eusebius, as Baronius says at year 167. Our Guesnæus indeed cites Philip of Bergamo, a very recent writer, who both imposed upon Hegesippus and sprinkled his Chronicle throughout with fabulous narratives. Indeed, on Bergamo’s authority falls whatever he established about Magdalene’s discovery at Saint-Maximin. For he writes this from vulgar fables in book 8 of the Chronicles, after those words which are quoted by the good man: “and her body is now held deposited at Marseilles, a city of Gaul.” Here another mark of bad faith is added, that he does not have a selection of books, in which honest men nevertheless take delight. But Hegesippus, who was published in the Bibliotheca Patrum, conveys nothing at all similar concerning Magdalene, nor moreover is he the one who wrote at year 167, unless you concede that he is most miserably corrupted. Seventh, he acts in bad faith when on page 86 Ami- B ij
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20 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS larium scribentem inducit, Lazarum appulisse Massiliam cum Magdalena, ibique primum ordinatum fuisse episcopum. At in Amalarij libris nihil eiusmodi legitur. Neque quem sceleris socium laudat Eisingrenium alios habuit, quàm nos habemus Amalarij libros. Taceo, quòd Amalarium vocet Ecclesiæ Romanæ Cardinalem. quo nihil ineptius. Octauò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 86. & 87. Michaëlem Glycam citat, quasi tertia Annalium parte scripserit, Magdalenam ad Prouinciam aliquando appulisse. At hoc tam est falsum, quàm quod falsissimum. Nonò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 89. de Mariano Scoto sic scribit: Consule Marianum Scotum in Chronico, quem penè in omnibus secutus, non interpretatus videtur idem, qui suprà Vualterus. Mandato viri boni paruimus: hoc est, Marianum consuluimus in Chronico, sed de Magdalena ne vnum quidem verbum fecisse comperimus. Decimò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 90. sic nugatur: Odo Treuirensis Episcopus in vetere Martyrologio, quod inscribitur: ad vsum Romanæ Ecclesiæ; quarto Calendas Augusti. eodem die festum sanctæ Marthæ virginis sororis sanctæ Maria Magdalenæ & sancti Lazari, & hospitæ saluatoris Christi, quæ iuxta Rhodanum & vrbem Auenionem obiit. Rursum sextodecimo Calendas Ianuarij, Marsiliæ beati Lazari, quem Dominus suscitauit à mortuis. At nihil tale habetur in Adonis Viennensis Martyrologio, quod Rosuueidus iuris publici fecit, quódque nonnulli non Odoni, sed Adoni Tre-
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20 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS he introduces the writer of the Calendar, [saying] that Lazarus came to Marseilles with Magdalene, and that there he was first ordained bishop. But in Amalarius’ books nothing of the kind is read. Nor did Eisingrenius have any other accomplice in this crime than the Amalarius books which we have. I say nothing of his calling Amalarius a Cardinal of the Roman Church; nothing could be more foolish. Eighthly, he acts in bad faith when, on pages 86 and 87, he cites Michael Glycas as though he had written in the third part of the Annals that Magdalene at some time came to Provence. But this is as false as what is most false. Ninthly, he acts in bad faith when, on page 89, he writes thus about Marianus Scotus: “Consult Marianus Scotus in the Chronicle,” whom the same man, as above, Walterus, seems to have followed in almost everything, not interpreted. We complied with the request of a good man: that is, we consulted Marianus in the Chronicle, but we found that he had not said a single word about Magdalene. Tenthly, he acts in bad faith when, on page 90, he trifles in this way: Odo, bishop of Trier, in the old martyrology inscribed “for the use of the Roman Church”; on the fourth day before the Kalends of August, on the same day the feast of Saint Martha, virgin, sister of Saint Mary Magdalene and of Saint Lazarus, and hostess of Christ the Savior, who died near the Rhone and the city of Avignon. Again, on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, at Marseilles, [the feast of] blessed Lazarus, whom the Lord raised from the dead. But no such thing is found in the Martyrology of Adon of Vienne, which Rosweid made public property, and which some have attributed not to Odo, but to Adon of Tre-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 21 uirensi perperam tribuerunt. Porro duobus in locis Ado de Magdalena sic loquitur, & primò quidem in Martyrologio 22. Iulij: Natalis sanctæ Maria Magdalena. Deinde in libello de festi- uitatibus Apostolorum: Natalis sanctæ Maria Magdalena, de qua, vt Euangelium refert, septem dæmonia eiecit Dominus, quæ etiam inter alia dona insignia Christum à mortuis resurgentem prima vi- dere meruit. De Martha verò & Lazaro hæc tradit ad 17. Decembris: Item beati Lazari, quem Dominus Iesus in Euangelio legitur resuscitasse à mortuis. Item beatae Marthæ sororis eius, quorum venerabi- lem memoriam extructa Ecclesia non longè à Betha- nia, vbi è vicino domus eorum fuit, conseruat. Hæc cùm ita sint, potuit-ne Ado grauiori impostura dehonestari, quàm vt in tot mendaciorum testem vocaretur? Vndecimò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 227. af- firmat, neminem veterum hactenus repertum esse, qui ante Cedrenum & Zonaram de reliquiis ac se- pultura Magdalena scripserit. At hoc loco non solum mala fide agit, sed etiam audacissimè men- titur, cùm Modestus Hierosolymorum Episco- pus, Gregorius Turonensis, & alij, quos capite nono referemus, apertè testentur, Ephesi Mag- dalenam esse sepultam. Præterea sibi turpissimè contradicit, qui productum à nobis Modestum cùm aptè redarguere non potuerit, pagina 25. & 222. immaniter concerpsit, aut certè arbitratus est, Modestum Cedreno & Zonara posteriorem esse. Sed vt sic antilogiam viter, in stuporem incidit. Duodecimò mala fide agit, cùm eadem pagina B iij
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OF MARY MAGDALENE. 21 they have wrongly attributed to Virgilius. Moreover, in two places Ado speaks thus of Mary Magdalene, first in the Martyrology of July 22: “The birthday of Saint Mary Magdalene.” Then in the little book on the Feasts of the Apostles: “The birthday of Saint Mary Magdalene, from whom, as the Gospel relates, the Lord cast out seven demons, and who, among other remarkable gifts, was also deemed worthy to be the first to see Christ rising from the dead.” About Martha and Lazarus, however, he gives this account on December 17: “Likewise of blessed Lazarus, whom the Lord Jesus in the Gospel is read to have raised from the dead. Likewise of blessed Martha his sister, whose venerable memory a church built not far from Bethany, where their house was nearby, preserves.” Since these things are so, could Ado have been dishonored by a more serious false accusation than to be called as a witness to so many lies? Eleventh, he acts in bad faith when on page 227 he asserts that no ancient writer has so far been found who, before Cedrenus and Zonaras, wrote about the relics and burial of Magdalene. But in this place he not only acts in bad faith, but also lies most audaciously, since Modestus, Bishop of Jerusalem, Gregory of Tours, and others, whom we shall cite in chapter nine, plainly testify that Magdalene was buried at Ephesus. Moreover, he most shamefully contradicts himself, since he could not properly refute the Modestus we produced, and on pages 25 and 222 he savagely tore him apart, or else he thought that Modestus was later than Cedrenus and Zonaras. But in trying thus to avoid contradiction, he has fallen into amazement. Twelfth, he acts in bad faith when on the same page B iij
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12 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS dicit, Constantium Manassem Magdalena Massiliensi aduenæ testimonium reddere: quo nihil est fallius. Decimotertiò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 235. scribit, de a uentu Magdalena in Gallias plerosque veteres siluisse, auctores valde bonos, inter quos numerat Gregorium Turonensem. At profectò Gregorius Magdalenam Ephesi quiescere prodi- dit lib.1. de miraculis cap.30. Decimoquartò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 240. dicit, Sigebertum ducem esse eorum, qui iactant Magdalena reliquias Sammaximino Vizeliacum asportatas fuisse. At iam obseruauimus, de hac re tota in veris Sigeberti exemplaribus nihil haberi. Decimoquintò mala fide agit, cùm pagina 273. negat innocentium III. de translatione Magdalena Vizeliacensis aliquid scripsisse. De ea siquidem scribit lib.1. epistola ad Gerardum Abbatem Vizeliacensem: Liceat, inquit, sicut à benignitate sedis Apostolicæ instantiùs postulastis, vt tam in solemnitate, quàm in translatione beatæ Mariæ Magdalena infra quadragesimam annis singulis celebratis. Porro egregiè versarum se in operibus Innocentij III. præstat bonus ille, cùm id inter epistolas à Bosqueto editas desiderari nugatur, quasi nullæ aliæ forent Innocentij III. epistolæ, quàm quas vir clarissimus in lucem nuper emisit. Permulta id genus alia prætereo, & inter alia Disquisitionis Breuiarium quod operis fron- tem occupat, sed contrà ac in Olympiacis præscriptum est: ἀρχομητον ὑπον, περοσωπον ἡν Θευτον ἐν ἐνωγεῖς. Nam in hoc Breuiario bonæ nihil fidei,
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12 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION he says that Constantine bears witness to Manasses of Magdala, a newcomer from Marseilles: of which there is nothing more false. In the thirteenth instance he acts in bad faith when, on page 235, he writes that, concerning the arrival of Magdala in Gaul, most of the older writers were silent, though very good authorities, among whom he counts Gregory of Tours. But indeed Gregory reveals that Magdala rests at Ephesus, book 1, On Miracles, chapter 30. In the fourteenth instance he acts in bad faith when, on page 240, he says that Bishop Sigebert is one of those who claim that Magdalene’s relics were carried to Vézelay from Saint-Maximin. But we have already observed that, in all the genuine copies of Sigebert, nothing at all is found on this matter. In the fifteenth instance he acts in bad faith when, on page 273, he denies that Innocent III wrote anything about the translation of Magdalene of Vézelay. Indeed, he writes about it in book 1, in a letter to Gerard, Abbot of Vézelay: “May it be permitted,” he says, “as you have urgently requested from the kindness of the Apostolic See, that both in the solemnity and in the translation of blessed Mary Magdalene celebrated each year within the Lenten season...” Moreover, that good man displays himself excellently versed in the works of Innocent III when he babbles that this is lacking among the letters published by Bosquet, as though there were no other letters of Innocent III than those which that distinguished man has recently brought to light. I pass over many other things of this kind, and among them the Breviary of the Disquisition, which occupies the front of the work, but contrary to what is prescribed in the Olympiacs: ἀρχομητον ὑπον, περοσωπον ἡν Θευτον ἐν ἐνωγεῖς. For in this Breviary there is nothing of good faith,
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 23 malæ plena ferme omnia inueniuntur. Quæ in commentitiis Magdalenæ & Marthæ gestis apud Vincentium narrantur, ea per prima Ecclesiæ sæ- cula distribuit; deinde in confirmationem eos ad- ducit, vel qui primis illis temporibus non vixe- runt, vel si qui vixerunt, nihil de talibus gestis posteritati consignarunt, vel qui ab anno Chri- sti milleximo extiterunt, & quicquid fabularum sub nomine Marcellæ inuectum est, continuò in se receperunt. Exempli gratia: in primo sæculo ad annum Christi 44. Magdalenam in oras Pro- uinciæ maritimas appulisse dicit, probatque ex epistola Cæsarij, de qua pluribus antè actum est. Deinde ædem sancti Victoris Massiliensis ex ap- pulsu Lazari initium habuisse asserit, laudatque bullam Benedicti noni, anno 1040. datam, in qua de appulsu Lazari ne gry quidem. Immo vt san- ctorum Innocentium & aliorum martyrum, ita & Lazari reliquiarum mentio sit, quæ fortassis ex Oriente in Prouinciam aduectæ multis de appul- su & episcopatu Lazari fabulandi causam dede- runt. Tum in quinto sæculo, votum Clodouei regis Francorum ad aram sanctæ Marthæ Tarasconen- sis, eiusque reliquias nuncupatum tradit, atque ex Guaguino & Baronio confirmat, qui post Clo- doueum annos plusquam mille vixerunt. Præter- ea Guaguino foedissimè imponit, qui ea de re ni- hil habet, & Baronio fucum facit, qui de voto ni- hil quoque scribit, sed tantùm ait, in Actis, quæ sub nomine Marcellæ pedissequæ extant, Clodouenum ad Marthæ sepulchrum fuisse sanatum. Ex his igi- tur & aliis, quæ Herculem Augiæ stabuli victo- rem fatigarent, apparet, Guesnæum operi suo B iiij
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Of the Magdalene of Marseilles. 23 almost everything is found full of falsehoods. What is narrated by Vincentius concerning the invented deeds of Magdalene and Martha, he distributes through the first centuries of the Church; then, in confirmation, he adduces either those who did not live in those earliest times, or, if any did live, committed nothing of such deeds to posterity, or those who arose after the thousandth year of Christ and immediately took up whatever fables had been introduced under the name of Marcella. For example: in the first century, up to the year of Christ 44, he says that Magdalene landed on the shores of maritime Provence, and proves it from the letter of Caesarius, about which more has already been discussed above. Then he asserts that the church of Saint Victor of Marseilles had its beginning from the landing of Lazarus, and praises the bull of Benedict IX, issued in the year 1040, in which there is not a word, indeed not the slightest hint, about the landing of Lazarus. Rather, just as there is mention of the relics of the Holy Innocents and of other martyrs, so also of Lazarus, relics which perhaps were brought from the East into Provence and gave many people cause to fabricate stories about the landing and episcopate of Lazarus. Then, in the fifth century, he relates the vow of King Clovis of the Franks at the altar of Saint Martha of Tarascon, and her relics, and confirms it from Guaguinus and Baronius, who lived more than a thousand years after Clovis. Moreover, he imposes upon Guaguinus most shamefully, since he says nothing about that matter, and he deceives Baronius, who likewise writes nothing about the vow, but only says that in the Acts which exist under the name of Marcella the maidservant, Clovis was healed at Martha’s tomb. From these things, therefore, and others that would weary even Hercules, conqueror of the Augean stable, it is clear that Guesnaeus to his work B iiij
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24 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS frontem non rerum veritate illustrem, sed falsarum lucubrationum fuligine obscuram posuisse: verùm enimuerò secundum ista, quæ hoc capite executussum, hominis arrogantiam, & huius, qua præfationem orditur, orationis vanitatem quis non stupeat, aut deploret? Hîc, inquit, mihi consilium, morbos animi criticorum, ignorantiam, & spiritum singularitatis, quantum ad præsentem controuersium spectat, cum studio persequi, & quæ sanare poterunt, quacunque ratione sanare, & cetera, quibus se tanquam missum è cælo medicum venditat, & de plaustro loquitur aduersus eos, qui ex decreto Conciliorum, emaculandis Sanctorum Actis pro viribus incumbunt. CAPVT SEXTVM. Romano Martyrologio Baronij Guesnæus illudit. Hoc Martyrologium, quia 22. & 29. Iulij & 17. Decembris causæ suæ fauet, pagina 62. 63. & 64. sic laudat vir bonus, quasi fidem propemodum diuinam faceret: At eidem manifestissimè contradicit pagina 57. dum missum à Petro Tolosam Saturninum, & Turones Gatianum affirmat. Sic enim de Saturnino Martyrologium habet 29. Nouembris: Tolosa sancti Saturnini Episcopi, qui temporibus Decij in Capitolio eiusdem vrbis à paganis tentus, &c. Sic quoque de Gatiano 18. Decembris: Turonis sancti Gatiani Episcopi, qui à sancto Fabiano Episcopo ordinatus, &c.
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24 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION to have set a brow not illustrious by the truth of things, but darkened by the smoke of false lucubrations: but indeed, according to these things which I have carried through in this chapter, who would not be amazed at the arrogance of the man, and the vanity of this discourse with which he begins the preface? Here, he says, it is my design to pursue with zeal the diseases of the critics’ minds, ignorance, and spirit of singularity, so far as the present controversy is concerned, and to heal whatever can be healed, by whatever means, and the rest; by which things he presents himself as though a physician sent from heaven, and speaks from the cart against those who, by decree of the Councils, are earnestly engaged in cleansing the Acts of the Saints as far as they are able. CHAPTER SIX. Guesnæus mocks Baronius’ Roman Martyrology. Because this Martyrology favors his cause on July 22 and 29, and December 17, the good man praises it on pages 62, 63, and 64 as though it were making almost a divine case for the faith; but on page 57 it most clearly contradicts him, when it says that Saturninus was sent from Peter to Toulouse, and Gatianus to Tours. For thus the Martyrology has it on November 29: At Toulouse, of Saint Saturninus, Bishop, who in the time of Decius was held by the pagans in the Capitol of that city, etc. Likewise concerning Gatianus, on December 18: At Tours, of Saint Gatianus, Bishop, who was ordained by Saint Fabian the Bishop, etc.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 25 Deinde cum eodem Martyrologio pugnat pagina 125.126.127. & 128. dum factam in Prouincia beatarum Mariæ Iacobi & Salomæ inuentionem describit, & has insuper inscriptiones nobis obtrudit. Hîc iacet sancta Maria Iacobi, hîc iacet sancta Maria Salome. Hæ sunt mulieres, quæ Magdalenæ comites in Massiliensi expeditione sese adiunxerunt, sedemque in Prouincia ac sepulturas sibi delegerunt, vt in Breuiario Disquisitio- nis suæ fabulatur. Sed contrà Romanum Martyrologium hæc docet de Maria Iacobi ad 25. Maij: Verulis in Hernicis translatio sanctæ Maria Iacobi, cuius sacrum corpus plurimis miraculis illustratur. Hæc quoque de Maria Salome 22. Octobris: Hierosolymis sanctæ Mariæ Solomæ, quæ in Euangelio legitur circa Domini sepultura sollicita. Quid quæso hoc homine fiet, qui audet alios erroris accersere, quòd Romanum Martyrologium non sequantur, qui aliam sibi, aliam aliis disputandi legem imponit. Nos in Saturnino, Gatiano & aliis Martyrologium Romanum Baronij sequimur, quia cum omni retro traditione consentit; in Magdalena, Martha & Lazaro non sequimur, quia vetus prohibet traditio. Guesnæus verò legum traditionis immemor in oppositam partem concedit, & alios inconcinna quidem, sed virulentæ dictione perstringit. Nos in Martyrologio, quod ad vsum Romanæ Ecclesiæ ante annu[m] 1500. Patauij editum est, & 1522. & 1558. Venetiis recusum, de Magdalena, Martha & Lazaro hæc tantùm haberi manifestum fecimus: de Magdalena quidem 22. Iulij: Natale sanctæ Maria Magdalena, de qua Dominus septem damonia eiecit, &
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OF MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 25 Then he disputes with the same Martyrology on pages 125, 126, 127, and 128, while describing the finding in Provence of the blessed Mary of James and Mary Salome, and further thrusts upon us these inscriptions: Here lies Saint Mary of James, here lies Saint Mary Salome. These are the women who, as companions of Magdalene, joined themselves in the expedition to Marseilles, and chose for themselves a dwelling-place in Provence and their burial-places, as he fabulously tells in his Breviary of his Investigation. But on the contrary the Roman Martyrology says this concerning Mary of James on 25 May: At Veroli in the Hernici, the translation of Saint Mary of James, whose sacred body is glorified by many miracles. Likewise this concerning Mary Salome on 22 October: At Jerusalem, of Saint Mary Salome, who in the Gospel is read of as being concerned about the Lord’s burial. What, I ask, will become of this man who dares to accuse others of error for not following the Roman Martyrology, while he imposes on himself one law of disputing and on others another. We follow Baronius’s Roman Martyrology in Saturninus, Gatianus, and others, because it agrees with all earlier tradition; in Mary Magdalene, Martha, and Lazarus we do not follow it, because ancient tradition forbids it. But Guesnæus, forgetful of the laws of tradition, yields to the opposite side, and assails others indeed with an incoherent, but venomous, style. In the Martyrology, which was printed at Padua for the use of the Roman Church before the year 1500, and reprinted at Venice in 1522 and 1558, we made it clear that only this is found concerning Magdalene, Martha, and Lazarus: concerning Magdalene indeed, on 22 July: The feast of Saint Mary Magdalene, from whom the Lord cast out seven demons, and
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26 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS quæ ipsum saluatorem primum videre meruit à mortuis resurgentem. De Martha verò 19. Iulij: Item eodem die festum sanctæ Marthæ virginis, sororis sanctæ Mariæ Magdalena & sancti Lazari, hospitæ salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi. De Lazaro tandem 17. Decembris: Eodem die beati Lazari, quem Dominus in Euangelio legitur suscitasse à mortuis. Deinde ostendimus, post annum Christi 1566. tribus illis diebus nonnulla succreuisse, quæ nulla ante annum Christi sexcentesimum traditione defenderentur. Et primo quidem dici hæc addita sunt: Apud Massiliam: secundo ista: Tarasci in Gallia Narbonensi: tertio demùm hæc alia: Massiliæ in Gallia Lazari Episcopi. Hæc autem additamenta publico Ecclesiæ vel Pontificum iudicio non tribuimus, sed Guesnæus tribuit, hoc est, Ecclesiam & Pontifices tollit in alrum, quò lapsu grauiore concidant. Iudicent alij, vter nostrûm veritati, & Ecclesiæ Pontificumque honori sincerùs consulat? Quod autem pertinet ad vtramque Mariam, quæ Iacobi & Salome dicitur, formare nunc possem parem cum ea rationem, quam vir bonus sic expressit cap. 14. Disquisitionis suæ: Duplex est generatim traditio, vna diuina, altera Ecclesiastica, quæ ex sancto Paulo seruanda est, quæque vim obtinet præcepti: sed de Maria Iacobi, & Salome vetus est Ecclesiæ traditio, quòd illa sit Verulis in Hernicis, hæc verò Hierosolymæ; vt præter Romanum Martyrologium testatur Baronius in suis ad illud Annotationibus 25. Maij & 22. Octobris: itaque cùm priscæ traditioni standum sit, duæ illæ virgines non in Prouincia, sed in memoratis à Baronio locis quiescunt.
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26 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS which deserved first to see the Savior himself rising from the dead. Concerning Martha, on 19 July: Likewise on the same day, the feast of Saint Martha the virgin, sister of Saint Mary Magdalene and Saint Lazarus, hostess of our Savior Jesus Christ. Concerning Lazarus finally on 17 December: On the same day of blessed Lazarus, whom the Lord is read in the Gospel to have raised from the dead. Then we showed that, after the year of Christ 1566, on those three days certain things had been added, which were defended by no tradition before the year of Christ six hundred. And first indeed these words were added: At Marseilles: second, these: At Tarascon in Narbonese Gaul: third, finally, this other: At Marseilles in Gaul, of Lazarus the Bishop. But these additions we do not ascribe to the public judgment of the Church or of the Popes, but Guesnæus ascribes them, that is, he lifts the Church and the Pontiffs into the air, so that they may fall with a more grievous slip. Let others judge which of us more sincerely concerns itself with the truth and with the honor of the Church and the Pontiffs. As for both Marys, who is called of James and Salome, I could now form a similar argument with it, which a good man thus expressed in chapter 14 of his Disquisition: Tradition is of two kinds in general, one divine, the other ecclesiastical, which is to be observed according to Saint Paul, and which has the force of a commandment: but concerning Mary of James and Salome there is an ancient tradition of the Church, that the former is at Veroli in the Hernici, the latter indeed at Jerusalem; as Baronius testifies in his annotations on the Roman Martyrology, besides the Roman Martyrology itself, on 25 May and 22 October: therefore, since one must adhere to the ancient tradition, those two virgins rest not in Provence, but in the places mentioned by Baronius.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 27 Guesnæus promptum ex pharetra sua telum, siue declinet, siue excipiat, suis ipse armis confodietur. si telum declinet, quam Martyrologio in Magdalena & aliis fidem tribuit, eam eidem in Maria Iacobi & Salome vir prudentissimus abiudicabit; si verò excipiat, eorum, quæ pagina 125. 126. 127. & 128. de inuentis in Prouincia beatarum Iacobi & Salomes corporibus tradit, fides penitus inter- ibit. Porro inscriptiones illæ, quas veteris monetæ spectator diligentissimus refert, vt & Sam- maximinenses aliæ, non casu, sed certo consilio repertæ dicentur. CAPVT SEPTIMVM. Guesnæus insuperhabet quibus monimentis vtatur, veris an falsis. V monimenta quamlibet fabulosa in Gues- næi Disquisitione locum habeant, satis est, si ad causam facere videantur. Illa tunc continuò rapit, & ridiculis intempestiuisque amplificatio- nibus adornat. E multis tria seligimus ad speci- men indiligentiæ, quæ in tota Disquisitione ma- gnificè dominatur. Vnum est pagina 85. in qua inuentionem Mag- dalenæ sic persequitur ex Iuliani Chronico: Iulianus, inquit, Petri antiquitatis collector studiosus in Chronico suo de Magdalena Massiliensi aduena ad annum 254. Hoc anno reperta sunt corpora sanctæ Maria Magdalena, Maximini & Marcellæ, quæ Marcella sanctæ Martha pedissequa anno 94. præ- dicauerat per decennium in cimitatibus illorum, cu-
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ON MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 27 Guesnæus, whether he parry or receive the weapon readily from his quiver, will be transfixed by his own arms. If he parry the weapon, the faith which he assigns in the Martyrology to Magdalena and the others, the very prudent man will withdraw from it in the case of Mary of James and Salome; if, however, he receive it, the credibility of those things which on pages 125, 126, 127, and 128 he relates concerning the bodies of the blessed James and Salome found in Provence will be utterly lost. Moreover, those inscriptions which he cites as a most diligent observer of ancient coins, as well as the others from Sammaximin, will be said to have been discovered, not by chance, but by deliberate design. CHAPTER SEVEN. Guesnæus further considers what monuments he uses, whether true or false. However fabulous the monuments may be that have a place in Guesnæus’s Disquisition, it is enough if they seem to serve the cause. He then seizes upon them immediately and adorns them with ridiculous and untimely embellishments. From many we select three as a specimen of the carelessness that reigns magnificently throughout the whole Disquisition. One is on page 85, where he pursues the discovery of Magdalene thus from Julian’s Chronicle: Julianus, he says, a diligent collector of Peter’s antiquities, in his Chronicle on Mary Magdalene of Marseilles, a newcomer, to the year 254. In this year were found the bodies of Saint Mary Magdalene, Maximinus, and Marcella, whom Marcella, the handmaid of Saint Martha, had proclaimed in the year 94 for a period of ten years in the cemeteries of those people, as far as...
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28 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS ius corpus ex Illyrico Aquas aduectum est. Qui- bus verbis quid potest esse fabulosius? Et verò li- cèt Guesnæus hunc auctorem pluribus commen- det, postrema tamen verba emendanda esse docet. Porro Iuliani Chronicon eandem apud eruditos auctoritatem habet ac Chronicon Dextri, quod Hispani accepta ex Hieronymo occasione suppo- suerunt. Alterum pagina 105. vbi nescio quod Benedicti noni diploma producit, ex quo ista decerpimus: Denique sancitum esse à sanctissimis Ecclesiæ recto- ribus perhibetur, quo statu, quâve institutione san- cti martyris Victoris Ecclesia permanere consuenit, quæ sine ruga, immaculato thoro hucusque sedulò viguerit, & sponsum Christum via immaculata, ca- stóque vestigio secula est. Hæc est denique æterni sponsi aula, quæ ita claruit Apostolica benedictione, atque omnium peccaminum labis absolutione, cens vniuersalis Romana Ecclesia clauigeri Petri, & ideo secunda Roma legitur esse, quod ne obliuioni daretur futuris temporibus, hactenus impressum antiquis marmoribus continetur. Hac diligentia muniendum censuimus prædicti martyris monaste- rium apud Massiliensem vrbem tempore Antonini Imperatoris fundatum, quod postea à beato Cassia- no Abbate constitutum eodem rogante, vt fertur à maioribus natu, à beatissimo Leone Romana sedis antistite consecratum. At primùm inepta, & à Ro- manorum mente aliena est comparatio, quæ inter Romanam & sancti Victoris Ecclesiam institui- tur. Deinde quid absurdius, quàm vt sancti Vi- ctoris Ecclesia seu monasterium secunda Roma vocetur. Tertiò quid vanius, quàm vt secundæ
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28 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS the body was brought from Illyricum to Aquae. With what words could anything be more fabulous? And indeed, al- though Guesnaeus commends this author on several points, he nevertheless shows that the final words ought to be corrected. Moreover, Julian’s Chronicle has the same authority among the learned as the Chronicle of Dexter, which the Spaniards, taking advantage of an occasion from Jerome, devised as a forgery. Another point, on page 105, where he produces I know not what diploma of Benedict the Ninth, from which we extract these words: “Finally, it is said to have been decreed by the most holy rulers of the Church in what condition, or by what institution, the Church of the holy martyr Victor has been accustomed to remain, which, without wrinkle, in an immaculate bed, has thus far diligently flourished, and has followed Christ the bridegroom by an immaculate path and chaste step. This is, finally, the hall of the eternal bridegroom, which shone so brightly with apostolic blessing, and with absolution from all taint of sins, since the universal Roman Church of the key-bearer Peter, and therefore is read to be the second Rome, so that it might not be given over to oblivion in future times, as has hitherto been inscribed on ancient marbles. With this diligence we judged that the monastery of the aforesaid martyr, founded near the city of Marseilles in the time of Emperor Antoninus, and afterward established by the blessed Abbot Cassian, and, as is said by the elders, at his request consecrated by the most blessed Leo, bishop of the Roman see, ought to be fortified.” But first, the comparison is foolish and alien to the Roman mind, the comparison that is set up between the Roman Church and the Church of Saint Victor. Next, what could be more absurd than that the Church or monastery of Saint Victor should be called the second Rome. Thirdly, what could be more vain than that the second
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 29 Romæ priuilegium antiquis marmoribus incisum habeatur? Quartò sub Antonini principatu in Galliis fuisse monasteria quis nisi rerum Ecclesiasticarum imperitus admittat? Quintò Victor sub Diocletiano martyrium fecit: atqui Antoninus, sub quo monasterium sancti Victoris fundatum dicitur, anno Christi circiter 140. Diocletianus verò, sub quo patitur Victor, anno 284. imperare coept. Postremò quid est illud? Leonem Roma in Prouinciam venisse, vt monasterium sancti Victoris consecraret. Hoc igitur diploma vel omninò fictitium est, vel quæ in eo narrantur, nugiendus aliquis Benedicto insulurrauit. Tertium pagina 132. & 133. Videnda, inquit, quæ asservantur in tabulario sacra domus Pignanensis manuscripta, in quibus de Theodorici victoria, & Collegij Canonicorum regularium Ordinis sancti Augustini institutione, ex antiquissimo fundatæ domus instrumento legimus in hæc verba: Anno 517. Idibus mensis Iulij, Theodoricus Comes Narbonensis & Prouincia filius Clodouei Francorum regis, conuocatis Cæsario Arelatensi Episcopo, Honorato Episcopo Massiliensi, Cypriano Episcopo Tolonensi, Didymo Episcopo Regiensi, & alio Episcopo Aquensi, Theodoricus in honorem Iesu Christi & Deiparæ fundauit hanc præposituram anno 503. post bellum Gothorum, vbi debent esse religiosi Diui Augustini. & post alia id genus: Hæc fundatio facta sub Symmacho & Cæsario Arelatensi. Porro his omnibus quid ineptius esse potest, aut absurdius? Imprimis enim nullus ante Carolum Magnum vel Pipinum Prouincia vel Narbonæ Comes, aut Vicecomes fuit: immo qui ad annum 870. vixit, Bolo
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Of Mary of Marseille. 29 Should the privilege inscribed on ancient marbles be regarded as genuine in Rome? Fourthly, who except one ignorant of ecclesiastical affairs would admit that there were monasteries in Gaul under the reign of Antoninus? Fifthly, Victor suffered martyrdom under Diocletian; yet Antoninus, under whom the monastery of Saint Victor is said to have been founded, began to reign around the year of Christ 140. But Diocletian, under whom Victor suffered, began to reign in the year 284. Lastly, what is that statement? That Leo came from Rome into the province in order to consecrate the monastery of Saint Victor. Therefore this diploma is either entirely forged, or the things related in it were whispered into Benedict's ear by some babbler. The third, pages 132 and 133. It is necessary, he says, to examine the manuscripts preserved in the archive of the sacred house of Pignan, in which, from the most ancient instrument of the foundation of the house, we read these words concerning the victory of Theodoric and the institution of the College of Canons Regular of the Order of Saint Augustine: In the year 517, on the Ides of the month of July, Theodoric, Count of Narbonne and Provence, son of Clovis, king of the Franks, having summoned Caesarius, Bishop of Arles, Honoratus, Bishop of Marseille, Cyprian, Bishop of Toulon, Didymus, Bishop of Riez, and another bishop of Aix, Theodoric, in honor of Jesus Christ and the Mother of God, founded this provostship in the year 503, after the war of the Goths, where there are to be religious of Saint Augustine. And after other things of that kind: This foundation was made under Symmachus and Caesarius of Arles. Moreover, what could be more foolish or more absurd than all these things? For, first of all, before Charlemagne or Pepin there was no Count or Viscount of Provence or Narbonne; indeed, the one who lived until the year 870, Bolo
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30 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS vltrimus Arelatensium rex, & primus Prouinciæ Comes narratur ab iis, qui de rebus Historicis Prouinciæ & Narbonæ tractarunt. Deinde Cyprianus Tolone[n]sis & alij, qui res ab Cæsario præclarè gestas prodiderunt, cùm de tam celebri Episcoporum conuocatione, quæ non potuit non esse & sibi & eidem Cæsario honorifica, nihil referant, manifestum est, hanc conuocationem nulla veritatem niti. Tum Didymus, qui sit Regensium Episcopus, in veterum monimentis nullus comparet. Ad hoc circiter tempus Faustus Contumeliosus, & alter Faustus in Conciliis Galliæ reperiuntur. Hinc iteratum Theodorici nomen omni sensu caret, sicut & istud, anno 517. & 503. nisi dicas Theodoricum hanc Præposituram anno post bellum Gothoru[m] 503. fundasse, quod magis adhuc ridiculum. Præterea huius aut illius in Ecclesia dignitatis fundatio sic expressa recentem ætatem sapit. Deinde Theodoricus post Clodouei mortem, quæ anno 511. verè contigit, apud Gregorium Turonensem lib. 3. hist. cap. 23. excessit anno regni sui vicesimo-tertio, qui in annum Christi tricesimum-quartum incurrit. At Gothicum bellum videre non potuit Theodoricus, cùm illud ab obsidione Narbonensi coeperit anno 536. vt obseruat Sirmondus in suis ad Sidonium notis. Tum aduersarius noster potuit ex Bellarmini recognitionibus discere, nomen Dixi nec esse Ecclesiasticum, nec in antiquis sanctorum Patrum scriptis, aut Conciliis inueniri. Postremò annus quingentesimus decimus-septimus à morte Symmachi Papæ, sub quo fundatio facta dicitur, quartus est. Si verò fundatio facta dica-
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30 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY the last king of the Arelatensians, and the first Count of Provence, is said by those who have treated of the historical affairs of Provence and Narbonne. Then Cyprian of Toulouse and others, who have related the remarkable deeds accomplished by Cæsarius, since they report nothing about so famous an assembly of bishops, which could not have been other than honorable both to itself and to Cæsarius himself, it is clear that this assembly rests on no truth. Then Didymus, who is said to be the Bishop of Riez, does not appear in any of the ancient records. About this same time Faustus the Contumelious, and another Faustus, are found in the Councils of Gaul. Hence the repeated name of Theodoric has no meaning at all, just as that also has none, in the years 517 and 503, unless you say that Theodoric founded this prebend in the year 503 after the Gothic war, which is even more ridiculous. Moreover, the foundation in the Church of this or that dignity is expressed in such a way as to savor of a recent age. Then Theodoric, after the death of Clovis, which truly occurred in the year 511, according to Gregory of Tours, book 3 of the History, chapter 23, died in the twenty-third year of his reign, which falls in the year of Christ 534. But Theodoric could not have seen the Gothic war, since it began with the siege of Narbonne in the year 536, as Sirmond notes in his annotations on Sidonius. Then our opponent could have learned from Bellarmine's revised editions that the name Dixi is neither ecclesiastical nor found in the ancient writings of the holy Fathers or in the Councils. Finally, the year 517, since the death of Pope Symmachus, under whom the foundation is said to have been made, is the fourth. But if the foundation is said to have been made-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 31 tur anno 503. Symmachus quidem erat Papa, sed Cæsarius nondum erat Episcopus, si vt scribit Ba- ronius anno 544. obiit. Nam quadraginta tan- tùm annos vixit in episcopatu, vt est incius vita. Ceterum instituti mei non est, exagitare omnes fraudes & fallacias singulorum instrumentorum, quibus auctor noster , verè comparauit. CAPVT OCTAVVM. Multiplex Guesnæi in diuersis rerum generibus hallucinatio. INFINITVS essem si vellem ad certa capita Ireuocare, quicquid suo & approbatorum libri iudicio eruditus scriptor in sua Disquisitione peccauit. Sed res in compendium mittenda est, & vnicum statuendum caput, in quod varia sic accuratim congerantur, vt tamen de iis liceat hominem certò æstimare. Non quòd iam notus non sit satis superque, sed cum ipso li- beraliter agendum est. Quod ergo hoc capite daturi sumus, non ad necessitatem, sed ad demen- sum daturi sumus. Imprimis maximam in auctoritatem duos libros admittit, Chronicum Dextri, & Legendam au- ream Claudij à Rota; quorum alterum vt subdi- titium & fabulosum omnes viri docti repudiant, alterum verò execrantur, vt qui sanctorum histo- riam fictis fabulis inquinauit, & omnibus ludi- brio exposuit. De Chronico consule cap. 5 & 17.
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OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 31 for the year 503. Symmachus was indeed Pope, but Cæsarius was not yet Bishop, if, as Baronius writes, he died in the year 544. For he lived only forty years in the episcopate, as is in his life. Moreover, it is not my purpose to expose all the frauds and falsehoods of each and every document, by which our author has in truth made his comparison. CHAPTER EIGHT. Guesné’s manifold error in various kinds of matters. I should be infinite if I wished to call back to definite headings whatever the learned writer, according to his own judgment and that of his approved authorities, has offended against in his Disquisition. But the matter must be brought into a summary, and one single heading must be established, in which the various points may be gathered together so exactly that nevertheless a man may be judged with certainty concerning them. Not because he is not already known sufficiently and more than sufficiently, but because he must be dealt with liberally. Whatever therefore we shall give in this chapter, we shall give not from necessity, but by way of measure. First of all he admits into great authority two books, the Chronicum of Dextrus, and the Golden Legend of Claudius à Rota; of which the one all learned men reject as spurious and fabulous, while they execrate the other, as one who has defiled the history of the saints with fictitious tales, and exposed it to everyone’s ridicule. On the Chronicum consult ch. 5 and 17.
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32 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS de Legenda aurea cap. 7. & 17. de cuius auctore hæc Melchior Canus lib. 11. de locis: Nec ego hîc libri illius auctorem excuso, qui speculum exemplorum inscribitur, nec historiæ etiam eius, quæ Legenda Aurea nominatur. In illo enim miraculorum monstra sæpiùs, quàm vera miracula legas; hanc homo scripsit ferrei oris, plumbei cordis, animi certè parum seueri, & prudentis. Quantum hic Dominicanus scriptor distat à Sammaximinensibus, nemo est, qui non facilè persentiscat. Secundò sub finem capitis 2. pagina 13. & 14. Magdalenæ Massiliensis historiam inter scripta Ecclesiæ Canonica refert his verbis: Tria mihi præstanda video, primùm vt de discessu, an Hierosolymis aliquando commigrarit Magdalena, & quo tempore, apertum faciam: alterum de aduentu, vt quam regionem adierit, aut portum appulerit, diligenter excutiam. Tertium de funere ac sepultura, vt non modò penetrasse Massiliam, sed in secessu proximæ solitudinis sanctissimo fine quiescisse. & post alia: Histribus accuratè discussis euincam, vt spero, aliud de opinione nostra ferendum esse iudicium, nec immeritò rebus gestis Magdalena, quas recensebimus, locum à nobis inter scripta Ecclesiæ Canonica & Hagiographa esse attributum. Et primò quidem impium est, Magdalenæ Massiliensis historiam quamlibet certam Scripturis Ecclesiæ Canonicis accenseri, de quibus pagina 216. sic loquitur: Has verò Canonicas appellamus non alia ratione, quàm quòd fuerint hæ Scripturæ ab Ecclesia probatæ, & in Canonem diuinarum scripturarum receptæ, siquidem Ecclesia regula est firmissima & certissima ad discernendum, quæ sit Scriptura Canonica
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32 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION on the Golden Legend, ch. 7 and 17, concerning whose author Melchior Cano says this in book 11, De Locis: “Nor do I here defend the author of that book which is entitled Speculum Exemplorum, nor even the author of that history which is called the Golden Legend. In the former you read, more often than true miracles, monstrous tales of miracles; this was written by a man of iron face, leaden heart, and certainly not very severe or prudent in spirit. How far this Dominican writer is from the Sammaximinians everyone can easily perceive.” Secondly, toward the end of chapter 2, pages 13 and 14, he includes the history of Magdalene of Marseilles among the writings of the Canonical Church with these words: “I see three things that must be set forth by me: first, concerning her departure, whether Magdalene ever moved away from Jerusalem, and at what time, I shall make clear; secondly, concerning her arrival, I shall carefully examine what region she entered or what harbor she came to. Thirdly, concerning her funeral and burial, so that I may show not only that she reached Marseilles, but also that in the retreat of a nearby wilderness she rested in a most holy end.” And after other remarks: “By carefully discussing these three things I shall prove, as I hope, that another judgment must be rendered concerning our opinion, and not without reason has the place among the Canonical writings of the Church and among the Hagiographa been assigned by us to the deeds of Magdalene which we shall set forth.” And first of all, it is impious to count the history of Magdalene of Marseilles as in any way certain among the Scriptures of the Church, Canonical, concerning which on page 216 he speaks thus: “But we call these Canonical for no other reason than that these Scriptures have been approved by the Church and received into the canon of the divine scriptures, since the Church is the firmest and surest rule for discerning what Scripture is Canonical.”
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 33 monica. Sed hac de re Censores Romani vide- rint: Deinde hanc historiam Canonicam & Ha- giographam simul vocat, quod est absurdum, cùm pagina 217. Canonicum librum ab Hagio- grapho distinguat, quòd ille ad auctoritatem fi- dei confirmandam proferatur, hic verò proferri non possit. Tum demùm pagina 229. fatetur, historiam de aduentu Magdalene in Gallias men- daciis & fabellis repertam esse. Etenim is est ca- pitis 35. titulus: Historia de aduentu Magdalene in Gallias mendaciis ac fabellis referta. Et postquam ex Magdalene gestis, quæ apud Vincenti extant, fabulosissima quæque retulit, pagina 230. subii- cit quæ sequuntur: Hæc omnia, vel quia incerto auctore careant, vel quia in multis fide vacillent, critici abiudicant, & in fictarum fabularum par- tem & apocryphorum numerum reiiciunt. Sic qui- bus placet Magdalenæ gestis Canonicam aucto- ritatem tribuit, & quibus placet, confidentissimè negat. Tertiò pagina 24. & 25. tradit Magdalenam persecutionis metu Ephesum confugisse, atque illud probat ex Modesto Hierosolymorum Epi- scopo, quem pagina 222. omni verborum acerbi- tate lacerat: de Modesto, inquit, Episcopo Hiero- solymitano nihil est, quod dicam, quàm quod de aliis Græcis, & eiusdem furfuris hominibus diximus. Potuisset vir bonus antiquissimum Episcopum paulò humaniùs appellare. Sic tamen propter idem testimonium & laudatur, & dirissimè ve- xatur. Quartò pagina 35. in cognitione Conciliorum ecumenicorum imperitissimum se prodit: Non G
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLE. 33 monica. But let the Roman Censors look into this matter: then he calls this history both Canonical and Hagiographic at the same time, which is absurd, since on page 217 he distinguishes a canonical book from a hagiographic one, because the former is brought forward to confirm the authority of faith, whereas the latter cannot be produced. Finally, on page 229 he admits that the history of Magdalene’s arrival in Gaul has been invented out of lies and fables. For that is the title of chapter 35: The history of Magdalene’s arrival in Gaul, full of lies and fables. And after recounting the most fabulous things from Magdalene’s deeds, which are found in Vincentius, on page 230 he adds the following: All these things, either because they lack a certain author, or because in many respects they waver in credibility, critics reject and cast into the category of fictitious tales and among the number of apocryphal writings. Thus he grants canonical authority to Magdalene’s deeds when it suits him, and denies it most confidently when it suits him. Thirdly, on pages 24 and 25 he states that Magdalene fled to Ephesus out of fear of persecution, and he proves this from Modestus, Bishop of Jerusalem, whom on page 222 he tears apart with every harshness of speech: “About Modestus, Bishop of Jerusalem, there is nothing for me to say except what we have said of other Greeks and men of the same sort.” A good man might have referred to the very ancient bishop a little more humanely. Yet in this way, because of the same testimony, he is both praised and most cruelly attacked. Fourthly, on page 35, he shows himself to be extremely ignorant in his knowledge of the ecumenical councils: Not G
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS est, inquit, quod quis dicat, ante Concilium secundum æcumenicum Hierosolymæ celebratum Magdalenam in Gallias esse profectam. Ecce tibi duo æcumenica Concilia, quæ Hierosolymis Apostolorum tempore celebrata inscitè nugatur. Quintò pagina 38. Prouinciæ laudes depromit ex Quiguerano, qui libro 3. de laudibus Prouinciæ dicere veritus non est, Magdalenam Massiliensibus Lazarum Episcopum dedisse. Hic auctor, vt erat Latinè doctus, Magdalenæ gesta, quæ sub nomine Marcellæ circumferuntur, puriorisermone conuestiuit. Sextò pagina 116. Euangelij prædicationem mulieribus committit: Auenione, inquit, primùm Martha ad prædicandum Christi Euangelium delata consedit. quod valde congruit epistolis Pauli, vbi mulieres in Ecclesia tacere iubentur. Septimò pagina 133. & 134. narrat, quomodo institutus fuit Massiliæ religiosus Ordo poenitentium sanctæ Magdalenæ, & à Nicolao tertio Pontifice confirmatus: vnde colligit Magdalenam in Prouncia obiisse, atque ex ea regione hunc Ordinem propagatum esse. Quod æque quadrat, ac si quis nunc ex Vasleburgio ita disputaret: Magdalenus, inquit ille libro 2. Antiquitatum Belgij, Virdunensis Episcopus Hierosolymam perrexit, deinde Ephesum, vnde duos Magdalenæ dentes Virdunum retulit anno 745. vbi postea Magdalenæ basilicam condidit, in eaque sacras illius reliquias reposuit, & circum basilicam cellulas ædificari iussit, vbi peccatrices foeminæ manerent, & ad exemplum Magdalenæ poenitentiam agerent. Itaque Magdalenæ Virduni decellit, & ex hac vrbe religiosus
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS it is, he says, that someone should claim that before the second ecumenical Council held at Jerusalem, Magdalene went to Gaul. Behold, you have here two ecumenical Councils, which, he foolishly babbles, were held at Jerusalem in the time of the Apostles. Fifthly, on page 38, he draws praises of the province from Quigueranus, who in book 3 of De laudibus Provinciae did not hesitate to say that Magdalene gave Lazarus as Bishop to the Marseillese. This author, as he was learned in Latin, dressed the deeds of Magdalene, which circulate under the name of Marcella, in a purer style. Sixthly, on page 116, he entrusts the preaching of the Gospel to women: at Avignon, he says, Martha first settled, brought there to preach the Gospel of Christ. This fits very well with the epistles of Paul, where women are commanded to keep silence in the Church. Seventhly, on pages 133 and 134, he relates how the religious Order of the Penitents of Saint Magdalene was founded at Marseilles and confirmed by Pope Nicholas III; from which he concludes that Magdalene died in Provence, and that this Order was propagated from that region. This is just as sound as if someone were now to argue from Vasleburgius in this way: Magdalenus, he says in book 2 of the Antiquities of Belgium , Bishop of Verdun went to Jerusalem, then to Ephesus, whence he brought back two teeth of Magdalene to Verdun in the year 745; there he afterwards founded the basilica of Magdalene, and in it placed her sacred relics, and he ordered cells to be built around the basilica, where sinful women might dwell and do penance in Magdalene’s example. Thus Magdalene made her way to Verdun, and from this city a religious
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 35 Ordo poenitentium Magdalenæ propagatus est. Octauò pagina 154. vir bonus seipsum vincit. dum hæc scribit: Causam recondendi reliquias ad- dere barbarorum frequentes incursiones. Nam Sar- raceni anno salutis 700. illo terrarum tractu, qui Pyrenem inter & Alpes interiacet, occupato, cepêre Auenionem plena luce, Magalonam deuastarunt, vrbésque præcipuas huius tractus, qui eorum ditio- ni sublacuit, donec Carolus Martellus, anno quar- to quinto-ve post ingentem illam Sarracenorum in- ternecionem ad Turonensem agrum exhibitam ad- uentaret. Quare in tam aperto religionis ac vitæ discrimine incolis totius Prouincia, vel profugis vel fato functis, sacra beatorum reliquæ non tan- tùm in sancti Maximini oppido, sed in tota Salio- rum prouincia retrusæ atque abditæ in tenebris sex- centorum annorum spatio, sequentibus incognitæ po- steris latuerunt. Mamertus Archiepiscopus Vien- nensis in quadam ex suis epistolis de cladibus, exi- tióque conqueritur, quibus hoc temporis Sarraceni suam diæcesim affecerant. Hæc ille, in quibus pri- mùm mentitur, cùmait anno 700. captam esse à Sarracenis Auenionein. Hoc enim anno 730. contigisse tradunt annales Fuldenses, vbi ad an- num 730. hæc leguntur: Sarraceni collecto exerci- tu Auenionem vrbem capiunt, & circumquaque re- giones deuastant. Adhæc vir bonus seipsum menda- cij arguit, dum cap. 38. Sarracenos ex Hispaniis ab Eudone Aquitaniæ Duce in Gallias anno 725. eiocatos scribit. Deinde meras theatri nugas agit scribens, non modò ex omni Saliorum prouincia, sed etiam ex sancti Maximini oppido sacras bea- torum reliquias collectas fuisse, & abditas in tene- C ij
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ON MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 35 The order of Penitents of Magdalen has been propagated. Elsewhere, on page 154, “a good man conquers himself.” while he writes this: that the reason for hiding the relics was to add the frequent incursions of barbarians. For the Saracens, in the year of salvation 700, having occupied that stretch of territory which lies between the Pyrenees and the Alps, seized Avignon in broad daylight, devastated Magalona, and the chief cities of this region, which passed under their dominion, until Charles Martel, in the forty-fifth year after that great slaughter of the Saracens carried out in the territory of Tours, arrived. Therefore, amid so open a danger to religion and to life, the sacred relics of the blessed, for the inhabitants of the whole of Provence, whether fugitives or dead, were not only hidden away in the town of Saint-Maximin, but throughout the province of the Salii they were thrust back and concealed in darkness for a space of six hundred years, unknown to later generations. Mamertus, Archbishop of Vienne, in one of his letters complains of the calamities and ruin with which the Saracens at this time afflicted his diocese. These are his words, in which he first lies, when he says that Avignon was captured by the Saracens in the year 700. For the Fuldenses annals relate that this took place in the year 730, where, under the year 730, these words are read: “The Saracens, having gathered an army, seize the city of Avignon and devastate the surrounding regions.” Moreover, the good man convicts himself of falsehood when, in chapter 38, he writes that the Saracens were driven out of Gaul from Spain by Eudo, Duke of Aquitaine, in the year 725. Then he is merely playing theatrical tricks when he writes that not only from the whole province of the Salii, but also from the town of Saint-Maximin, the sacred relics of the blessed were collected and hidden in the dark
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36 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS bris sexcentorum annorum spatio, quasi sub ictu Sarracenorum Prouincia semper fuisset vniuersa. Tum lectorem suum facetè ludificat affirmans, Sanctorum totius Prouinciæ reliquias totos sexcentos annos ita latuisse, vt quo in loco forent, posterorum sciuerit nemo. Quinetiam quorum gloriæ velificari studet, iis vir prudens iniuriam creat omni laude maiorem. Cùm enim asserit tanto temporis spatio Sanctorum totius Prouinciæ lipsana in tenebris delituisse, nec vlli mortalium fuisse cognita, ex eo consectarium est Provinciales per id longissimum tempus Sanctorum suorum reliquias nulla obseruantia coluisse: Non enim illæ reliquias coluntur, quæ an sint, & quo sint in loco, ignoratur: Deinde Prouinciales negligentissimos fuisse in perquirendis Sanctorum reliquiis, quibus acceptam Christi fidem referre debuerunt: Tum eos, qui primùm Sanctorum totius Prouinciæ reliquias occultarunt, ab ingenti culpa excusari non posse, quòd reliquiarum loca arcanæ inter Prouinciales traditioni non consignarint: Denique translationes reliquiarum Sanctorum, vt Trophimi & aliorum, quæ per illud tempus in Prouincia factæ celebrantur, incertas esse, vel inter fabulas reponendum, quod de tam diuturna reliquiaru[m] totius Prouinciæ occultatione asseuerat: hîc quoquò se vertat, incommodum feret. Præterea quæ accuratus scriptor Mamerto Viennensi tribuit, ea tam vera sunt, quàm constat Magdalenam in Gallias venisse. Siquidem tribuit epistolas Mamerto, qui nullas scripsit, aut certè nullas posteritati reliquit. Postremò de Sarracenis Viennensium Diæcesim ad
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36. DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION for the space of six hundred years, as though the whole Province had always lain under the blows of the Saracens. Then he playfully deceives his reader by affirming that the relics of all the Saints of the whole Province had been hidden for the entire six hundred years in such a way that no one of later times knew in what place they were. Nay, a prudent man, in seeking to advance the glory of those to whom he is zealous to do honor, creates for them an injury greater than all praise. For when he asserts that for so long a period the remains of the Saints of the whole Province had lain concealed in darkness and had been known to no mortal, it follows that the Provincials during that very long time paid no reverence to the relics of their Saints: for those relics are not honored whose existence, and whose place, is unknown. Then again, it follows that the Provincials were most negligent in searching out the relics of the Saints, to whom they ought to have ascribed their received faith in Christ. Further, those who first concealed the relics of the Saints of the whole Province cannot be excused from great blame, because they did not commit the places of the relics to secret tradition among the Provincials. Finally, the translations of the relics of the Saints, such as those of Trophimus and others, which are celebrated as having been made in the Province during that period, must be uncertain, or else placed among fables, since he affirms a hiding of the relics of the whole Province so long continued: wherever he turns, he will encounter difficulty. Moreover, what the careful writer attributes to Mamertus of Vienne is just as true as it is certain that Magdalene came into Gaul. For he assigns letters to Mamertus, who wrote none, or at any rate left none to posterity. Lastly, concerning the Saracens, the diocese of Vienne to
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 37 annum 700. infestantibus conqueritur Mamer- tus, qui ad annum 475. floruit. Qui sese sibilis omnibus explodi tentaret, istud nemo asseque- retur feliciùs, quàm hoc ille loco assecutus vi- detur. Nonò pagina 157. ex Laziardo Magdalena Sam- maximinensis inuentionem sic asserit: Magdalena translationem confirmat Ioannes Laziardus, non so- lùm grauis auctor, sed maximè certus, in historiæ vniversalis Epitome sub Nicolao III. Anno 1279. Carolus Comes Prouincia filius Regis Siciliæ corpus perquirens beatæ Mariæ Magdalena sollicitè & de- notè in Oratorio, vbi sanctus ille Maximinus olim Aquensis Episcopus tradiderat sepulturæ. & cetera, quæ Laziardus cap. 240. scribit. At eundem au- diamus antè de Magdalena scribentem cap. 19. sub finem, Barnabas, inquit, apud Cyprum, & Lu- cas apud Massiliam, Martha, Maria Magdalena & Maximinus in Bythinia claruerunt. Ecce tibi quem grauem & certum auctorem vocat. Decimò pagina 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. & 152. paucis, vt apparet, disputat, an Carolus II. Sici- liæ rex, qui Barcinone captiuius erat, nuncupatis Magdalena votis liberatus fuerit, necne? eo scili- cet modo, qui à Syluestro Prierare & Sammaxi- minensibus memoratur. Sed tandem multitu- dine historicorum, qui redemptum Carolum scribunt, & redemptionali charta, quæ Aquis Sextiis asseruatur, victus tacitè negat miraculum esse, quod pro ingenti miraculo Prieras, Samma- ximinenses & alij venditant. Et reuera maximum esset miraculum, si res, vti scripserunt, contigisset. Quare prudens aduersarius cùm non dissimulat, C iij
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On Mary Magdalene of Marseille. 37 The year 700, he complains of the assailants, Mamer- tus, who flourished in the year 475. If anyone were to try to be hissed down by all, no one would more happily succeed in that than he seems to have succeeded in this place. On page 157, from Laziardus he thus asserts the finding of Mary of Sam- maximin: John Laziardus confirms the translation of Mary, not only a serious author, but most certainly so, in the Epitome of Universal History under Nicholas III. In the year 1279. Charles, Count of Provence, son of the King of Sicily, diligently and devoutly sought the body of blessed Mary Magdalene in the Oratory, where that holy Maximin, once Bishop of Aix, had handed it over for burial, and so forth, as Laziardus writes in chapter 240. But let us hear the same man speaking before about Mary Magdalene, chapter 19, toward the end: Barnabas, he says, in Cyprus, and Lu- cas in Marseille, Martha, Mary Magdalene, and Maximinus shone forth in Bithynia. Behold for yourself whom he calls a serious and reliable author. Tenthly, on pages 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, and 152, he discusses briefly, as it appears, whether Charles II, king of Sicily, who was a captive at Barcelona, was freed by vows made to Magdalene, or not? namely, in that manner which is mentioned by Sylvester Prierias and the men of Sammaximin. But in the end, overcome by the multitude of historians who write that Charles was ransomed, and by the ransom document which is preserved at Aix, he quietly denies that there was a miracle, which Prierias, the men of Sammaximin, and others advertise as a very great miracle. And indeed it would be a very great miracle if the event had happened as they wrote. Wherefore the prudent opponent, while he does not conceal, C iij
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38 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS quod in gratiam Sammaximinensium dissimulare potuit, hos configendi causam dedit, & quicquid ex Archiuis suis de Magdalena producunt. Tri- tumenim est illud, cui nullus præscribet vnquam. Hoc habet mendax, vt etiam vera dicenti non credatur. Scio quidem illum velle fictas Samma- ximinensium fabulas in bonam partem interpre- tari, sed nullum fucum, nullumque colorem sus- cipere possunt. Vndecimò pagina 207. Nicolaus V. Sammaximi- nensium priuilegia confirmat anno Pontificatus sui decimo-quarto, Christi 1450: sed primùm an- nus Nicolai V. quartus, Christi millesimus qua- dringentesimus quinquagesimus est. Deinde qui anno Pontificatus sui octauo migrauit, nullum potuit, opinor, priuilegium concedere anno Pon- tificatus decimo-quarto. Duodecimò generalis , quæ in toto libro longè latéque spargitur, hæc est: auctor quidem de Magdalenæ & aliorum myoparone & cataplo multa refert, quæ non ab antiquis, sed à recen- tioribus referuntur: quorum alij de Magdalena fabulas inuexerunt, alij eiusmodi fabulis vt Libra- rij intenti fuerunt. Hîc nullas paginas noto, quia singulas notare oporteret, nisi quæ solis parergis implentur. Decimotertiò viri boni parerga si quis obserua- re vellet omnia, librum conficeret illius libro non longè minorem. A pagina 4. ad duodecimam disputat, an Magdalena eadem fuerit, quæ mu- lier peccatrix? qua in quæstione multis pro more pauc dicit, & turpi silentio premit, quicquid de harum mulierum distinctione Guillelmus Estius
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38 Disquisitio Disquisitionis which he could conceal in favor of the Sammaximinenses, gave cause for attacking them, and whatever they produce from their archives about Magdalene. For it is a trite thing, to which no one will ever prescribe a limit. A liar has this advantage, that even when he speaks the truth he is not believed. I do indeed know that he wishes to interpret the fabricated tales of the Samma- ximinenses in a favorable sense, but they cannot bear any disguise, nor any coloring. Eleventh: on page 207. Nicholas V confirms the privileges of the Sammaximi- nenses in the fourteenth year of his pontificate, in the year of Christ 1450: but in the first place the fourth year of Nicholas V was the year of Christ one thou- sand four hundred and fifty. Then he who died in the eighth year of his pontificate could, I think, grant no privilege in the fourteenth year of his pontificate. Twelfth: the general point, which is scattered throughout the whole book far and wide, is this: the author certainly relates many things about Magdalene and the myoparone and cataplo of others, which are reported not by the ancients but by later writers: of whom some introduced tales about Magdalene, while others were intent on books of that sort. Here I note no pages, because one would have to note each one, except those which are filled with mere digressions. Thirteenth: if one wished to observe all the good man’s digressions, he would compose a book not much shorter than that man’s book. From page 4 to the twelfth he discusses whether Magdalene was the same as the sinful woman? On this question he says little, as is his custom, and with shameful silence suppresses whatever William Estius says about the distinction between these women.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 39 disseruit. Deinde pagina 15. & 16. magnam dis- putationem instituit de prouinciis, quas inter se Apostoli sortiti sunt. 3. à pagina 17. advicesimam secundam persecutiones exequitur, quas Impera- tores variis temporibus in Christianos exercue- runt. 4. à pagina 49. ad quinquagesimam secun- dam de primis Galliarum Apostolis tractat ex Cornelio à Lapide & Thoma à Iesu, qui, vt om- nes norunt, inter antiquissimos & diligentissimos Ecclesiæ scriptores habentur. 5. pagina 54. historiæ conditiones explicat, de quibus egit Dionysius Lambinus in Æmilij probi vitas. 6. pagina 57. & 58. Iaponorum conuersionem prædicat. 7. pagina 60. Massiliæ laudes persequitur ex Polybio, Ci- cerone, Plutarcho, & aliis cùm Græcis, tum Lati- nis scriptoribus. 8. à pagina 66. ad paginam 70. vt Romano Breuiario & Martyrologio fidem omnem tribuat, ex Cypriano, Basilio, & Tarra- conensi Concilio præfatur, deinde ex Hieronymo in epistola ad Damasum de nomine hypostasis, at- que ex Irenæo lib. 3. contra hæreses cap. 3. conclu- dit. 9. pagina 109. 110. & 111. Carmelitarum dis- persionem & aduentum in Gallias appositè re- censet, quia Massiliam appulerunt. 10. pagina 125, de inuentione corporum beatarum Mariæ Iacobi & Salomæ, & aliorum passim Sanctorum tractat. 11. pagina 165. Petri Cardinalis de Fuxo histo- riam conficit. 12. pagina 167. & 168. de literis communionis agit, quas olim Patriarchiæ ad Ro- manum Pontificem dirigebant. 13. pagina eadem 168. de reliquiis & veneratione Sanctorum dispu- tat ex lege cùm ciuili, tum Canonica. 14. pagina 175. breuiculum vitæ Iulij II. conscribit. 15. pagina C iiiij
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ON MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 39 he discoursed. Then on pages 15 and 16 he made a long disputation about the provinces which the Apostles allotted among themselves. 3. From page 17 to the twenty- second he follows the persecutions, which the Emperors at various times inflicted upon the Christians. 4. From page 49 to the fifty-second he treats of the first Apostles of Gaul from Cornelius a Lapide and Thomas of Jesus, who, as all know, are reckoned among the most ancient and most diligent writers of the Church. 5. On page 54 he explains the conditions of history, which Dionysius Lambinus discussed in the lives of Aemilius Probus. 6. On pages 57 and 58 he proclaims the conversion of the Japanese. 7. On page 60 he pursues the praises of Marseilles from Polybius, Ci- cero, Plutarch, and others, both Greek and Latin writers. 8. From page 66 to page 70, in order to give every credit to the Roman Breviary and Martyrology, he prefaces from Cyprian, Basil, and the Council of Tarra- gona; then from Jerome in the letter to Damasus on the name of hypostasis, and from Irenaeus, book 3, against heresies, chapter 3, he concludes. 9. On pages 109, 110, and 111 he appropriately recounts the dispersion of the Carmelites and their arrival in Gaul, because they landed at Marseilles. 10. On page 125 he treats of the discovery of the bodies of the blessed Mary of James and Salome, and of other saints scattered everywhere. 11. On page 165 he composes the history of Cardinal Peter of Foix. 12. On pages 167 and 168 he discusses letters of communion, which formerly the Patriarchs sent to the Roman Pontiff. 13. On the same page 168 he disputes about relics and the veneration of the Saints from both civil and Canon law. 14. On page 175 he writes a short life of Julius II. 15. Page C iiiij
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40 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS 176. exortum inter Vrbanum sextum & Clementem septimum schisma vir pacificus componit. 16. à pagina 185. ad paginam 204. pias Caroli II. Siciliæ regis, & Renati fundationes subducit. 17. à pagina 218. ad paginam 222. ex Melchiore Cano, Cicerone, Liuio, Quintiliano, Plutarcho, Pausania & aliis demonstrat, qua cautione legendi sint Græcorum historici, qui præsertim de Magdalena Ephesina sermonem instituerunt; prætereáque refert, quidnam viri docti senserint de Cedreno & Zonara. 18. pagina 223. & 224. disquirit sensum huius sacri Adagij: In ore duorum aut trium stat omne verbum. 19. pagina 234. ex Epiphanio & aliis de iis agit, qui Acta Apostolorum & Euangelia Christi corruperunt. 20. eadem pagina de lectione librorum Origenis eruditè disputat. 21. pagina 236. & 237. de sancto Alexio, de Apparitione sancti Michaëlis, de Æde Lauretana, déque obseruandis in Euangelica historia copiosè tractat. 22. pagina 238. & 239. cupidissimè notat Chronologicos & historicos errores Gregorij Turonensis, quem pagina 235. conceptis verbis affirmat de rebus Galliæ accuratissimè scripsisse. Quorsum verò hæc de Gregorio parerga? Scilicet in omnem euentum facta sunt: Siue enim Gregorius alibi, quàm in Prouincia Magdalenam quieuisse dixerit, siue dicere voluerit, eundem errasse constabit, quia Marcella Marthæ pedissequa Hebraicâ scriptione dissentit, & Guesneus Latinâ. In summa de rebus fermè omnibus sermonem habet præterquàm de Antipodibus, qui nescio- quo fato illi exciderint, nisi fortè illud inter legendu[m] meam fugerit diligentiam. Verùm eiusmo-
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40 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS 176. He pacifies the schism that arose between Urban VI and Clement VII. 16. from page 185 to page 204. He removes the pious foundations of Charles II, king of Sicily, and of Renatus. 17. from page 218 to page 222. From Melchior Cano, Cicero, Livy, Quintilian, Plutarch, Pausanias, and others, he shows with what caution the Greek historians should be read, who especially wrote concerning Mary Magdalene of Ephesus; and furthermore he relates what learned men have thought about Cedrenus and Zonaras. 18. pages 223 and 224. he examines the meaning of this sacred saying: In the mouth of two or three every word stands. 19. page 234. from Epiphanius and others he discusses those who corrupted the Acts of the Apostles and the Gospels of Christ. 20. on the same page he discusses learnedly the reading of the books of Origen. 21. pages 236 and 237. he treats copiously of Saint Alexis, of the Apparition of Saint Michael, of the House of Loreto, and of the things to be observed in the Gospel history. 22. pages 238 and 239. he most eagerly notes the chronological and historical errors of Gregory of Tours, whom on page 235 he expressly affirms to have written most accurately about the affairs of Gaul. But what is the purpose of these remarks about Gregory? Clearly, they were made for every eventuality: for whether Gregory said that Magdalene rested elsewhere than in Provence, or whether he intended to say it, it will be evident that he erred, because Marcella, Martha’s maid, differs in the Hebrew form of writing, and Guesneus in the Latin. In sum, he speaks about almost all subjects except the Antipodes, which by some strange fate have slipped from him, unless perhaps that matter has escaped my diligence while reading. But such a...
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 41 di lucubrationis quis quæso futurus est fructus, quæ vtilitas? Viri docti non legent, ignari negligent, aut lectione infatuabuntur, tantùm abest, vt ad Ecclesiasticarum rerum & traditionum veritatem informentur. CAPVT NONVM. Pro Vizeliacensibus & aliis loci communes au- ctori suo sincerè redduntur. CONVITIATOR noster vbi Sammaximi- nensium & Vizeliacensium litem refricuit, & horum iura diminutè retulit, facili tunc ne- gotio secundum Sammaximinenses pronunciat. Sed vt iis, quæ pro Vizeliacensium causa produxit, faciat satis, illa certè nobis obtrudit, quæ si reddantur, nulluserit, aut ridiculus. Primus ergo locus est is, quo pagina 149. re- spondet testimonio Martini Papæ & miraculorum, quæ in Vizeliaci monasterio facta fuisse nar- rantur, cùm ab aliis, tum ab iis, qui Prædicato- rum Ordini nomen dederunt: Reponitur, inquit, testimonio Martini Papæ & miraculorum, nisi aliis maioribus præsidiis muniatur, atque firmentur, incer- tos casus pro certis aliquando concludi. Cùm enim ipse Deo miracula sanctorum precibus patrare libuit, tunc pro certo habebatur, vbi huiusmodi cernebantur pro- digia, ibi sacrum aliquod pignus, sine illud, quod intendebant supplices, sine aliud, quiescere, ad cuius præsentiam mira hæc patrarentur: quamuis mira- culorum causa interdum sola sit fides, eorumque
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Of the Magdalene of Marseille. 41 What, I ask, will be the fruit of this lucubration, what the benefit? Learned men will not read it; the ignorant will neglect it, or be dazzled by the reading; so far is it from informing them in the truth of ecclesiastical matters and traditions. CHAPTER NINE. Arguments in favor of the people of Vézelay and others are sincerely returned to their author. Our fault-finder, when he has rekindled the dispute between the people of Saint-Maximin and the people of Vézelay, and has reported their rights in a diminished fashion, then with little trouble pronounces in favor of the people of Saint-Maximin. But in order to satisfy those things which he brought forward for the cause of the people of Vézelay, he certainly thrusts upon us the very arguments which, if they are answered, will make him either nobody, or ridiculous. The first point, then, is that in page 149 he replies to the testimony of Pope Martin and to the miracles which are said to have been wrought in the monastery of Vézelay, both by others and by those who have given their name to the Order of Preachers: “It is answered,” he says, “to the testimony of Pope Martin and the miracles, unless they are fortified and confirmed by other stronger supports, that uncertain events are sometimes concluded to be certain. For since it pleased God to grant miracles through the prayers of the saints, it was then held for certain that, wherever such prodigies were seen, there was some sacred pledge hidden there, either that very thing which the suppliants intended, or something else, resting in whose presence these wonders were accomplished; although sometimes the cause of miracles is faith alone, and of them”
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42 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS caritas, qui diuinam opem Sanctorum intercessionibus efflagitarint. Hæc ille vir prudens, quæ Vizeliacenses monachi sua faciunt, & sancti Maximini Prædicatoribus reponunt, asseruntque illa omnia miracula, quæ cap. 22. refert, sic apud Sammaximinum edita fuisse, vt in Vizeliaci monasterio edita suspicatur. Præterea cùm Carolum Barcinone Narbonam Magdalenæ precibus asportatum idem auctor noster neget, de veritate aliorum miraculorum, quæ Sammaximinenses soli referunt, multum detrahit, aut detrahi posse confirmat. Quid enim est tandem, cur Sammaximinensibus credatur, si quod miraculum recitant omnium illustrissimum, in fide suspectum esse constet? Alter locus est, quo pagina 277. iisdem Vizeliaci monachis respondet: Ad eas rationes, inquit, quibus probari videbatur, veras Magdalena reliquias Vizeliacum asportatas haberi, ita respondendum est, quod permulti eiusdem nominis fuêre Sancti, vt liquet in fastis Ecclesiasticis, atque ita quod ad Sanctum aliquem pertinet, sæpe alteri eiusdem nominis tribuitur. Nunc ista pari iure Sammaximinensibus Vizeliacenses reddunt, quæ reddita, si non placent, aliam deinceps solutionem vir circumspectissimus quærat. Vizeliacensibus accedunt Virdunenses, qui suas Magdalenæ reliquias Epheso acceptas referunt, vt auctor est Vasseburgius Virdunensis Archidiaconus lib. 2. Antiquitatum Galliæ Belgicæ. Virdunensibus quoque se adiungunt Senonenses, qui ex Vizeliaci monasterio vnam Magdalenæ
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42. DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS charity, who would implore divine aid through the intercession of the Saints. This, that prudent man says, is what the monks of Vézelay do on their side and lay to the charge of Saint Maximin’s Preachers, and they assert that all those miracles which he recounts in chapter 22 were wrought at Saint Maximin in such a way as he suspects were wrought at Vézelay monastery. Moreover, since the same author of ours denies that Charles was carried from Barcelona to Narbonne by the prayers of Magdalene, he greatly diminishes, or confirms that it may be diminished, the truth of the other miracles which the men of Saint Maximin alone relate. For what reason, after all, should credence be given to the men of Saint Maximin, if it is certain that the miracle they recount, the most illustrious of all, is suspect in point of faith? Another passage is where, on page 277, he answers the same monks of Vézelay: To those arguments, he says, by which it seemed possible to prove that the true relics of Magdalene had been carried to Vézelay, the reply is to be made that there were very many saints of the same name, as is clear in the ecclesiastical calendars, and thus what belongs to one saint is often attributed to another of the same name. Now the monks of Vézelay return this same argument with equal right against the men of Saint Maximin; and if, when returned, it does not please, let this most circumspect man seek another solution in the future. To the men of Vézelay are joined the people of Verdun, who report that their relics of Magdalene were received from Ephesus, as Vasseburgius, Archdeacon of Verdun, is author of this in book 2 of the Antiquities of Belgic Gaul. The people of Sens also join themselves to the people of Verdun, who from the monastery of Vézelay one Magdalene
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 43 costam summo Martini IV. beneficio habuerunt. Tum hi omnes ista boni viri verba in auctorem retorquent; Ad te verò quod attinet, pater Lipsanomastix, & Ephesinæ & postea Gallicæ conuitiator. Magdalena, cùm in pugnam reuenies contra reliquias Sanctorum & traditiones communi vsu prudentum & peritorum, & Ecclesiæ auctoritate receptas, aliis armis instruere, quàm lenioribus illis apocryphis, & vetustate neglecta rubiginosis, quæ tibi hactenus ab ignorantia, & spiritu singularitatis vstrinæ tuæ malleatoribus conflata, & tot inanibus studiis comparata habuisti, vel potiùs, si me audis, & te amas, mutata in tam desperatis rebus sententia, veritatis lucem semper victricem, ac triumphantem, quæ tibi recens oboritur, lubens aspice atque complectere. Hæc ille vir moderatissimus pagina 250. quibus addendum puto pro- cæmium, quod instar famosi libelli conscripsit. Quòd autem hæc omnia reddi meritò possint, exigunt multa, quæ nulla vnquam exceptione à Sammaximinésibus repellentur: Imprimis Lucius II. Vrbanus I I. Clemens I I I. & Innocentius I I I. disertè affirmant corpus beatæ Mariæ Magdalena in Vizeliaci monasterio iacêre, quò Galliæ præsules, & populi, vt Magdalena festo interessent, olim conuolarunt. De præsulibus testatur Saresberiensis epistola 274. Nuper, inquit, in festo beatæ Maria Magdalena Vizeliacum profectus sum. De populis Monachus Authiodorensis in Chronico ann. 1120. Hoc anno, inquit, in Ecclesia Vizeliacensi in vigilia transitus beatæ Mariæ Magdalena, incertum quo Dei iudicio innumerabiles promiscui sexus, & ætatis atque Ordinis in ipso
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ON MARY MAGDALENE OF MASSILIA. 43 they had obtained at the height of Pope Martin IV’s favor. Then all these good men turn that word back against the author; but as for you, father Lipsanomastix, slanderer both of the Ephesian and afterward of the Gallic Church. Magdalene, when you come back to the fight against the relics of the Saints and the traditions received by the common usage of the prudent and learned, and by the authority of the Church, arm yourself with something other than those milder apocrypha and rusty writings, neglected through age, which up to now, through ignorance and the spirit of singularity, you have had forged for you by the smiths of your own fantasy, and acquired at the cost of so many empty efforts; or rather, if you will listen to me and love yourself, having changed your judgment in so desperate a matter, gladly look upon and embrace the light of truth, ever victorious and triumphant, which has newly risen for you. Thus spoke that most moderate man, page 250, to which I think should be added the preface, which he composed in the style of a notorious pamphlet. But that all these things may rightly be answered, many points are required, which the Sammaximinenses will never reject by any exception: first, Pope Lucius II, Urban II, Clement III, and Innocent III expressly affirm that the body of the blessed Mary Magdalene lies in the monastery of Vezelay, to which the bishops and people of Gaul formerly flocked in order to be present at Magdalene’s feast. As to the bishops, Saresberiensis testifies in letter 274: “Recently, he says, I went to Vezelay for the feast of the blessed Mary Magdalene.” As to the people, the monk of Authiodorum in the Chronicle for the year 1120 says: “In this year, in the church of Vezelay, on the vigil of the translation of the blessed Mary Magdalene, by what judgment of God is uncertain, countless persons of both sexes, of every age and rank, in the very”
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44 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS crepusculo noctis atque diei Ecclesia subitò conflagrante combusti sunt. Deinde sanctus Ludouicus rex Galliæ, Simon Cardinalis, postea Martinus IV. plures Episcopi, Abbates & Domini illud ipsum contestantur, qui & insuper corpori Magdalenæ releuando, vt loquuntur, interfuerunt. Tum demùm Iacobus Genuensis, Vincentius Bellouacensis, atque totus Prædicatorum Ordo, qui de Magdalenæ reliquiis Vizeliacensibus ita sentiunt in Breuiario suo, quod anno 1254. conscriptum est: Translatum est, inquit sexta lectio, corpus Maria Magdalenæ de loco prædicto, ad monasterii, quod dicitur Virziliacum. Sciunt quidem Vizeliacenses in villa, quæ nunc est oppidum sancti Maximini, à Prædicatoribus anno 1279. inuentum esse corpus, quod beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ vocarunt. Sed eos officia dies accusant. Firmas enim habent origines ab iis, quorum res est, & aduersus alios cum Tertulliano veritatis compendio de posteritate præscribunt. Illa omnia prioris hæreditatis instrumenta edidimus in posteriori parte Dissertationis, quam de commentitio Magdalenæ in Prouinciam appulsu nuncupauimus: hæc autem optimo iuxta & modestissimo patri dissimulare placuit, quò faciliùs aduersarios conuitiis oneraret. Tertius locus, quo pagina 113. & 114. Sammaximinense Cænobium defendit: Facessat, inquit, de Cænobio Sammaximinensi à nouatoribus quibusdam vix admodum Catholicis & hæretico-proximis excogitata recens calumnia, per summam fraudem atque malitiam patres Dominicanos prætextu quodam inuentionis reliquiarum sanctæ Magdalenæ
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44 DISQUISITION OF THE DISQUISITION at the twilight of night and day, while the Church suddenly caught fire, they were burned. Then Saint Louis, King of France, Cardinal Simon, afterward Martin IV, several Bishops, Abbots, and Lords testify to the same thing, and they also were present at the raising, as they say, of the body of Magdalene. Then, finally, James of Genoa, Vincent of Beauvais, and the whole Order of Preachers, who thus speak of the relics of Magdalene at Vézelay in their Breviary, which was written in the year 1254: “The body of Mary Magdalene,” says the sixth lesson, “was transferred from the aforesaid place to the monastery which is called Virziliacum.” The people of Vézelay do indeed know that in the village, which is now the town of Saint Maximin, the body, which they called that of blessed Mary Magdalene, was found by the Preachers in the year 1279. But the times accuse them. For they have firm origins from those whose affair it is, and against others they, with Tertullian, prescribe the compendium of truth through posterity. We have set forth all those things, as instruments of the earlier inheritance, in the later part of the Dissertation which we have entitled On the Feigned Arrival of Magdalene in Provence: but these things it pleased the best and most modest father to conceal, so that he might more easily burden his opponents with reproaches. The third passage, in which on pages 113 and 114 he defends the Monastery of Saint Maximin: “Let this recent calumny,” he says, “devised about the Monastery of Saint Maximin by certain innovators scarcely Catholic at all and bordering on heresy, be dismissed; by the greatest fraud and malice they use the Dominicans under some pretext of the finding of the relics of Saint Magdalene”
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 45 Carolum II Siciliæ Regem & Comitem Prouinciæ decepisse incautum, fefellisse. Sed Vizeliacenses illud maledici conuitiatoris telum reiiciunt in auctorem suum, & quinque viros libri sponsores: Facessat igitur de Cænobio Vizeliacensi à noua- toribus quibusdam vix admodum Catholicis & hæretico-proximis excogitata recens calumnia, per summam fraudem atque malitiam patres Vi- zeliacenses prætextu quodam inuentionis reli- quiarum sanctæ Magdalenæ, quæ reipsa Magda- lenæ non sunt, Lucium, Vrbanum, Clementem, Innocentium Romanos Pontifices induxisse, vt in variis ad Abbates Vizeliaci literis scriberent, beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ corpus in hoc mona- sterio iacêre, sanctum Ludouicum & Simonem legatum postea Martinum IV. decepisse incautos, atque suis artibus effecisse, vt Magdalenæ corpus releuarent, quod Magdalenæ corpus non erat, & innumerabiles tandem populos ad suum mona- sterium pertraxisse, quo die Magdalenæ festum celebrarent. Idem quoque dici potest de Virdunensibus & Senonensibus, quorum illi decerptas ab Ephesi- na Magdalena, hi ab eadem sed Vizeliacum ad- uecta reliquias habuerunt. Quartus locus, quo pagina 233. Magdalenæ historiam, quæ apud Vincentium Bellouacensem Marcellæ nescio cui foeminæ tribuitur, ab innu- meris fraudibus & gerris defendere sibi videtur: Vtut sit, quæro abs te quid repugnantiæ sit, in hac veri & falsi vicinitate, & quasi fædere, quod re- prehendis? An quia æruginæ maculatur aurum, in- terpolabitur, & excidet? Aut quia nubibus obduc-
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ON MARY MAGDALENE IN VÉZELAY. 45 that he had deceived Charles II, King of Sicily and Count of Provence, who was unsuspecting, and had led him astray. But the people of Vézelay throw back this weapon of a slanderous reviler upon its own author, and upon the five sureties of the book: let this recent calumny, therefore, invented against the monastery of Vézelay by certain innovators hardly at all Catholic and close to heresy, depart; namely, that by the greatest fraud and malice the fathers of Vézelay, under some pretext of the discovery of the relics of Saint Magdalene, which in fact are not Magdalene’s, induced the Roman Pontiffs Lucius, Urban, Clement, Innocent, to write in various letters to the Abbots of Vézelay that the body of blessed Mary Magdalene lies in this monastery; that Saint Louis and the legate Simon, and later Martin IV, deceived the unwary, and by their own contrivances brought it about that they raised the body of Magdalene, which was not the body of Magdalene, and finally drew innumerable people to their monastery on the day when they celebrated the feast of Magdalene. The same may also be said of the people of Verdun and Sens, the former of whom possessed relics taken from the Ephesian Magdalene, the latter relics brought from the same source but to Vézelay. The fourth passage, where on page 233 he seems to himself to defend the history of Magdalene, which in Vincent of Beauvais is attributed to some woman named Marcella, against countless frauds and trickery: however that may be, I ask you what contradiction there is in this nearness, and as it were alliance, of truth and falsehood, which you criticize? Is it because gold is stained with rust, will it therefore be adulterated and fall away? Or because it is covered with clouds...
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46 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS tur, extingui solem omnino necesse est? Similiter quia rebus præclarè gestis à Magdalena, interi- ciuntur dicta fortasse aliqua, confictaque per falla- ciam & imposturam, ideo æqualiter omnibus abro- gabitur fides? An quia corporis macula næus est; licebit hinc quantum cuique videbitur, vt tollatur næus, corpus hoc circu[m]cidere atque amputare? Num animaduertis, quod vbi hanc censuræ labem histo- ria Magdalena[m] asperseris, eadem eluuione in ceteros quoque plurimos Ecclesiæ Annales dedecus redundabit? Hæc acutissimo viro reddimus pro iis pri- mùm auctoribus, qui Vizeliacensis Magdalena[m] historiam quibusdam maculis asperserunt: De- inde pro Cedreno & Zonara, qui Magdalenam Epheso, & Lazarum è Cypro Constantinopolim sub Leone sexto translatos prodiderunt. Tum demùm pro Græcis & Latinis, qui Magdalenam Ephesi vita functam tradiderunt, quanquam isti nullis hanc historiam næuis deformarunt, sed primam tantùm Ecclesiæ traditionem vt à maio- ribus acceperunt, ita & posteris custodiendam reliquerunt. Hoc autem de Vincentio dici non posse, & res ipsa palam loquitur, & Canus libro 11. de locis validissimè confirmat: De Vincentio, inquit, Beluace[n]si & D[omi]no Antonino liberiùs iudico; quorum vterque non tam dedit operam, vt res veras certasque describeret, quàm vt nihil omnino præte- riret, quod scriptum in schedulis quibuslibet reperi- retur. Ita ad historiam unamquamque existimandam momentóque suo ponderandam, non artificum statera, sed ne populari quidem trutina vsti sunt. Quamobrem boni licet ac minimè fallaces viri, qui tamen nec auctores eos, à quibus suos exscri-
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46 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS ... ... must the sun be utterly extinguished? In like manner, because of certain splendid deeds accomplished by Magdalene, if perhaps some statements are obscured, and others fabricated through deceit and imposture, shall faith therefore equally be withdrawn from all? Or because a bodily blemish is a mole, shall it be permissible, insofar as anyone may judge fit, to remove the mole by cutting and amputating this body? Do you not observe that, once you have bespattered the history of Magdalene with this stain of censure, the same flood will also overflow upon many other annals of the Church, to their disgrace? These things we reply to the most acute man, first for those authors who have stained the history of Magdalene of Vizeliacensis with certain blemishes. Then for Cedrenus and Zonaras, who reported that Magdalene was transferred from Ephesus, and Lazarus from Cyprus to Constantinople under Leo VI. Finally for the Greeks and Latins who related that Magdalene died at Ephesus; although these men did not disfigure this history with any blemishes, but, just as they had received the first tradition of the Church from their ancestors, so they left it to be preserved by later generations. But that this cannot be said of Vincentius, both the matter itself plainly shows, and Canus in book 11 De locis confirms most strongly: “Concerning Vincentius,” he says, “I judge more freely about Beluacensis and Lord Antoninus; for neither of them took pains so much to describe true and certain things as to omit absolutely nothing whatsoever that they found written on any scraps of paper.” Thus, in judging each history and weighing it according to its proper importance, they used neither the balance of experts nor even the scales of the populace. Wherefore, although they were good men and by no means deceitful, yet neither did they use the authors from whom they copied their own ...
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 47 p[ro]sêre libros, diligenter examinarunt, nec res iustis libratas ponderibus, memoriæ prodiderunt, apud criticos grasses & seueros auctoritate carent. Hic porro communis locus is est, quo quicquid pla- cuerit, defendi potest, sed non quo certæ cuidam veritati firmandæ consulitur. Neque enim ex ali- qua narratione, quæ tota veris historiæ & tradi- tionis legibus repudiari debet, si aliud auferas, aliud immutes, aliud adiicias, continuò verum erit, quod arriserit. Quæ depraunata vir bonus credit Magdalenæ acta, non ad suæ vertiginis cal- culum, vel ad recentiorum scripta, qui ex subdi- titiis Magdalenæ actis alia pro arbitrio retinue- rint; alia reiecerint, sed ad vetustiora & puriora exemplaria exigere debuit, adminiculante tunc, si velit, coniectura, quæ tamen nihil à morato iudi- cio alienum sapiat, & primis insuper Ecclesiarum traditionibus cohæreat. Verùm hac in parte ad- uersarius noster eorum ingenium æmulatur, de quibus sic verba facit Tertullianus: Mentior, si non etiam à regulis suis variant inter se, dum vnusquisque proinde suo arbitrio modulatur, quæ accepit, quemadmodum de suo arbitrio composuit, qui tradidit. Quintus & vltimus locus est, quo pagina 127. de Cedreno & Zonara locutus ea suggerit, quæ in hac quæstione nemini præterquam sibi possunt officere: In turba, inquit, scriptorum ita ferè pleri- que omnes comparati, vt præcuntem reliqui tan- quam grex ærietem sequantur, & vt muli solent, ac serua pecora protritis duntaxat, & complanatis itineribus insistant, quæ difficultatum vacua & ci- tra laborem decurrenda proponuntur. Hæc autem
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 47 p[ro]sêre books, diligently examined, and the matters not weighed out with just scales, have been handed down to memory, and among critics are devoid of authority, being coarse and severe. This, moreover, is a common-place by which whatever one pleases may be defended, but not one by which the strengthening of a certain truth is served. For from any narrative that ought wholly to be rejected by the laws of history and tradition, if you remove one thing, alter another, add another, it will not immediately be true merely because it has pleased you. The well-disposed man who believes the acts of Magdalene as they have been distorted ought not to measure them by his own dizziness, or by the writings of later authors, who, from the spurious acts of Magdalene, have retained some things at their own discretion and rejected others, but ought to compare them with older and purer exemplars, aided then, if he wishes, by conjecture, provided that it savor of nothing alien to sober judgment and also agree with the earliest traditions of the Churches. But in this matter our adversary imitates the spirit of those of whom Tertullian speaks thus: “I lie if they do not even vary among themselves from their own rules, while each one similarly shapes at his own pleasure what he has received, just as he who handed it down composed it from his own pleasure.” The fifth and last point is that, where on page 127 he speaks of Cedrenus and Zonaras, he suggests those things which in this question can harm no one except himself: “In the crowd of writers,” he says, “almost all are so arranged that the rest follow the one leading before them like a flock after the bellwether, and, as mules and servile beasts of burden are wont to do, they keep only to beaten and level roads, which are proposed as free from difficulties and to be traversed without labor.” But these things
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48 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS omnia non sine magna ratione transferimus in Antoninum, Petrum de Natalibus, Prieratem, Laziardum, Cornelium à Lapide, Ioannem Lori- num, Petrum Canisium, Iacobum Gordonum, Iacobum Gauterium, Petrum Ribadeneiram, Baldunum Cabillianum, Franciscum Portacarrerum, Hieronymum Higueram, Arturum à monasterio, & alios, qui recensitas à Vincentio fabulas exscripserunt toto capite 17. Disquisitionis, & sua fecerunt, quæ Ecclesiæ legibus damnantur. Sic enim habet Canon 83. codicis Ecclesiæ Africanæ: Item placuit, vt altaria, quæ passim per agros & per vias tanquam memoriæ martyrum constituuntur, in quibus nullum corpus aut reliquæ martyrum conditæ probantur, ab Episcopis, qui locis eisdem præsunt, si fieri potest, euertantur; si autem hoc per tumultus populares non sinitur, plebes tamen admoneantur, ne loca illa frequentent, vt qui rectè sapiunt, nulla ibi superstitione deuinctè teneantur, & omninò nulla memoria martyrum probabiliter acceptetur, nisi vbi corpus, aut aliquæ reliquiæ sunt, aut origo alicuius habitationis vel passionis fidelissima origine traditur. Nam quæ per somnia & per inanes quasi reuelationes quorumlibet hominum ubicumque constituuntur altaria, omnimodo improberentur. Sic quoque Carolus Magnus libro 1. Capitularium cap. 42. In Concilio Africano, vt falsa nomina martyrum & incerta sanctorum memoriæ non venerentur. Quibus profectò decretis & acta Magdalena, quæ sub nomine Marcellæ pedissequæ scripta sunt, & Sammaximinensium reuelationes & somnia percelluntur. Hi
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48 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS We transfer all these things, and not without great reason, to Antoninus, Petrus de Natalibus, Prieras, Laziardus, Cornelius a Lapide, Ioannes Lorinus, Petrus Canisius, Iacobus Gordonus, Iacobus Gauterius, Petrus Ribadeneira, Baldunus Cabillianus, Franciscus Portacarrerus, Hieronymus Higuera, Arturus a Monastery, and others, who have copied the stories recounted by Vincentius in the whole chapter 17 of the Disquisition, and made them their own, though they are condemned by the laws of the Church. For thus Canon 83 of the code of the African Church states: It has likewise pleased us that altars, which are set up here and there through the fields and along the roads as memorials of martyrs, in which no body or relics of martyrs are proved to be deposited, shall, by the Bishops who preside over those places, if possible, be overthrown; but if this is not allowed by popular uproar, the people should nevertheless be warned not to frequent those places, so that those who think rightly may not be held there by any superstition, and in no way may any memorial of martyrs be accepted as trustworthy unless there is a body or some relics there, or the origin of some dwelling or passion is handed down with the most reliable origin. For altars which are established anywhere through dreams and through empty so-called revelations of any men whatever ought altogether to be condemned. In the same way Charlemagne in book 1 of the Capitularies, chapter 42. In the African Council, so that false names of martyrs and uncertain memorials of saints may not be venerated. By these decrees, indeed, the acts of Magdalena, which were written under the name of Marcella the maidservant, and the revelations and dreams of the men of Sammaximinus are struck down. Hi
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 49 Hi ergo communes loci sunt moneta, quam peritissimus artifex cudit, & quam illi hoc capite fideliter reddidimus; eam si respuat deinceps, adulterij crimen incurret, si verò recipiat, aliquid recipiet auro Tolosano nequicquam vtilius. Ceterùm quæ in Guesnæi nostri libro superioribus capitibus obseruaui, ni fallor, in causa fuerunt, cur nonnulli suspexerint, auctorem à me impulsum esse, vt Sammaximinense negotium eo tueretur modo, quem exhibuimus. Vix enim fieri posse credunt, vt tanta erratorum cuiuslibet generis multitudine laboraret illius liber, nisi vel auctor mecum conueniret, vel in hoc opere suam ignorantiam velut in cippo & columna proscribi vellet: Quod confirmant ex quinque libri fideiussoribus, quorum duo primi, qui & mihi noti sunt, & ob quandam de re sua Dissertationem amicissimi, rem pro sua prudentia & sinceritate tractarint. Sed hanc suspicionem, quæ aliàs sua probabilitate non careret, tria fundituseuertunt. Vnum est generalis illa lex, qua ne mala fiant ob spem futuri boni prohibetur. Alterum calumniæ, quibus aduersarios tuos humanissimus pater identidem lacessit. Nemo enim se tanto odio prosequitur, vel causam, quam agit, ita deperit, vt propter eam perpetuis onerari conuitiis velit. Tertium ingens illa ineptiarum & hallucinationum vis, quæ librum sic occupat, vt totus lepra vna videatur. Quis enim vellet cum aliquo conuenire, vt cum tanto & famæ & veritatis discrimine hoc vel aliud argumenti genus agitaret? At certè neque ego has scribendi conditiones offerrem, neque ille quamlibet bonus opinor acciperet vnquam. D
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On Mary of Marseille. 49 These then are commonplaces: money, which the most skilled craftsman strikes, and which I have faithfully returned to him in this chapter; if he rejects it henceforth, he will incur the charge of adulteration; if, on the other hand, he accepts it, he will receive something in the gold of Toulouse no less useful than anything else. Moreover, the things I observed in the earlier chapters of our Guesné’s book, if I am not mistaken, were the reason why some have suspected that the author was prompted by me to defend the Sammaximinense matter in the way we have presented. For they can scarcely believe that a book could be burdened with such a multitude of errors of every kind unless either the author agreed with me, or wished his ignorance in this work to be proclaimed like a stake and pillar. This they confirm from the five guarantors of the book, of whom the first two, who are known to me as well and are very dear to me because of a Dissertation of mine on a certain subject, handled the matter according to their prudence and sincerity. But three things completely overturn this suspicion, which otherwise would not be without its plausibility. The first is that general law by which one is forbidden to do evil in hope of future good. The second is the slanders with which your most humane father keeps attacking your opponents again and again. For no one pursues himself with so much hatred, or loves the cause he is defending so much, that for its sake he would wish to be burdened with endless insults. The third is that immense mass of foolishness and hallucinations which so occupies the book that it seems wholly one single leprosy. For who would wish to make an agreement with anyone in order to handle this or any other kind of subject with so great a risk both to reputation and to truth? But certainly neither would I offer these conditions for writing, nor, I think, would that man ever accept them, however good he might be. D
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS CAPVT DECIMVM. Expedita vetus Græcorum & Latinorum de Lazari, Magdalene & Marthæ obitu & sepulcura traditio. HIVS capitis ansam dedit Guesnæus, qui pagina 227. postquam in Cedrenum & Zonaram, vt in primos opinionis nostræ assertores petulanter inuectus est, ista subiungit: Si citiùs illuxisses, ô veritas, fortè nostros habuisses amplexus, quia seriùs aduenisti, repulsam patiêre, & ne veritatis quidem appellationem merebere. Opinio æmula locum, quem appetis, appetuit prior & occupauit. Hæc ille vir, vt apparet, sincerissimus. Veterem ergo traditionem, quæ Cedrenum & Zonaram antecessit, sic breuiter ac sine fuco expeditum imus. Lazarus in Cypro obiit, & sepultus est. 1. Antiquissimæ traditionis primus testis erit Epiphanius Constantiæ Cypri Episcopus, qui receptas à maioribus de Lazaro traditiones sic vindicauit lib. 2. hæresi 66. quæ est Manichæorum num. 34. καὶ μὴ πις νομον τὸν Λάζαρον ὑμῶς πᾶλιν πιτελευτηκέναι, δεικνύσει ὑδ συνῶν τὸ ἀγνων ἐναγγελιον, ἐπι αυένειτο ὑ Ιησοῦς, καὶ ὑ Λάζαρος αυένειτο μεῖτι καὶ άλλὰ καὶ εἰ παραδοσεῖν ευχρῶν, ὑπι τείακοντα ἐτῶν καὶ πῶτε ὑ Λάζαρος, ὑπεὶ ἐγνηστω μὴ δὲ τὸ ἀγαθῶν αυτὸν,
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DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS CHAPTER TEN. An easy exposition of the ancient tradition of the Greeks and Latins concerning the death and burial of Lazarus, Magdalene, and Martha. The occasion of this chapter was given by Guesnaeus, who, on page 227, after having insolently attacked Cedrenus and Zonaras, as if they were the first champions of our opinion, adds these words: “If you had dawned sooner, O truth, perhaps you would have won our embrace; because you have come later, you will suffer rejection, and you will not even deserve the name of truth. A rival opinion has already desired and occupied the place you seek.” So says that man, as it appears, most sincere. We shall therefore set out briefly and without embellishment the ancient tradition which preceded Cedrenus and Zonaras. Lazarus died in Cyprus and was buried. 1. The first witness of this most ancient tradition will be Epiphanius, Bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, who vindicated the traditions received from the elders concerning Lazarus in Book 2, heresy 66, which is that of the Manichaeans, no. 34: “And do not think that Lazarus died a second time; the holy Gospel will show you that after the resurrection he lived again; and Lazarus lived again. And also, if you wish to learn the truth, after thirty years...”
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. Nec est quod sibi quisquam persuadeat, La- zarum subinde esse mortuum: (quando primùm excitatus est à mortuis) hoc enim Euangelium apertè declarat, accubuisse postea Iesum, & cum eo Lazarum similiter accubuisse. Quin & illud inter traditiones reperimus; triginta tum annos na- tum fuisse Lazarum, cùm à mortuis excitatus est; atque idem ille triginta aliis annis vixit, atque ita mortuus ad Dominum rediit. Hæc ille, qui ad annum 375. Panarium suum edidit. Quas ergo de Lazari vita & morte traditiones scriptis man- dauit, illæ non possunt non esse primæ; quæ ab oculatis testibus ad posteros in Cypro manarunt. Neque enim adhuc locus opinor fuit, quo hæ primæ traditiones interuerterentur. Ad quam verò partem orbis spectant, nisi ad eam, quæ ab Epiphanio tam eximiè illustrata est, & vnde La- zari corpus ante annos plusquam septingentos Constantinopolim translatum? Alter testis erit auctor Menologij, quod Car- dinalis Sirletus latinitate donauit, 17. Octobris: Relatio, inquit, pretiosarum reliquiarum sancti & iusti Lazari, quas reliquias celeberrimus & fide- lissimus Imperator Leo diuino zelo commotus in templo pulcherrimo sub eius sancti viri nomine di- cato ex vrbe Citiensi Constantinopolim translatas in argenteis loculis reposuit. Citium vrbs est in- sulæ Cypri, ex qua Lazari translatio fieri debuit ad annum circiter 886. quo Imperium Orientis Leo capessiuit. Tertius testis erit auctor Magnorum Menæo- rum, quæ ante aliquot annos Venetiis Græcè tar- D ij
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ON MARY MAGDALENE. No one should persuade himself that Lazarus died again and again: (for as soon as he was raised from the dead) for the Gospel clearly declares that Jesus afterward reclined at table, and Lazarus likewise reclined with him. Indeed, we also find this among the traditions: that Lazarus was then thirty years old when he was raised from the dead; and that he lived for another thirty years, and so returned to the Lord having died. Thus he who published his Panarion in the year 375. Therefore the traditions which he has committed to writing concerning the life and death of Lazarus cannot but be the earliest; those which, from eyewitnesses, flowed down to later generations in Cyprus. For as yet, I suppose, there had been no place where those first traditions could have been altered. And to what part of the world do they point, unless to that one which Epiphanius so eminently illuminated, and from which the body of Lazarus was transferred to Constantinople more than seven hundred years ago? A second witness will be the author of the Menologium, which Cardinal Sirletus rendered into Latin, for 17 October: “The account,” he says, “of the precious relics of Saint and just Lazarus, which relics the most renowned and most faithful Emperor Leo, moved by divine zeal, transferred from the city of Citium to Constantinople and placed in silver reliquaries in that most beautiful temple dedicated under the name of this holy man.” Citium is a city of the island of Cyprus, from which the translation of Lazarus must have taken place around the year 886, when Leo took up the Eastern Empire. A third witness will be the author of the Great Menaea, which some years ago were published at Venice in Greek,
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52 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS tùm prodierunt, vbi 17. Octobris haberur hoc metricum prosphonema: Constantinopolis relegens vestigia Christi Talibus exclamat, Lazare adesto foras. Vt Menologia, sic & eorum auctores ni fallor Cedrenum & Zonaram antecesserunt, qui postea referentur. His Græcis adiungimus primùm Honorium Augustodunensis Ecclesiæ Presbyterum, qui de Lazaro hæc tradit sermone in Ramis Palmarum: Pharisæi decreuerunt, vt Lazarus interficeretur, sed Deo de illo meliùs disponente, ad vtilitatem Ecclesiæ reseruatur. Nam fertur, quod postmodum triginta annis in Cypro Ecclesiæ Episcopus præfuerit. Hæc ille, qui vt scribit Trithemius, ad annum 1120. floruit. Porro illa facilè conveniunt cum Cypri traditionibus, quæ apud Epiphanium omni luce clariores consignantur. Honorium excipient illæ Galliarum Ecclesiæ, quæ hac Prosa in diuinis officiis olim hodieque vtuntur: Suscitatur Lazarus, tumulo vincutus manus & pedes vinculo, adepturus dignius præmium, gratulantur plures è populo, proclamantes viso miraculo, redemptorem venisse gentium. Et paulò post: Discedit Lazarus, deserit patriam, mare transut, timens sanctiam Iudæorum, deuenit ocyus in Cyprum insulam, flos Sanctorum, præsulatu sublimatus, mundo vixit Deo gratus, tandem per martyrium est à Deo coronatus, & in cælo collocatus ordine cælestium. Hanc Prosam præ ceteris Ecclesiis concinit Ecclesia sancti, Lazari, tum quæ est ad
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52 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY then appeared, where on 17 October this metrical prose is found: “Constantinople, retracing the footsteps of Christ, cries out in such words: Lazarus, come forth.” Just as the Menologia, so also, unless I am mistaken, their authors preceded Cedrenus and Zonaras, who will be mentioned later. To these Greek sources we first add Honorius, presbyter of the Church of Autun, who relates this concerning Lazarus in a sermon for Palm Sunday: “The Pharisees resolved that Lazarus should be put to death, but God, disposing better of him, reserved him for the benefit of the Church. For it is said that later he presided over the Church in Cyprus for thirty years.” This is his statement; and, as Trithemius գրում, he flourished about the year 1120. Moreover, these things easily agree with the traditions of Cyprus, which are recorded by Epiphanius more clearly than daylight. Honorius will be followed by those churches of Gaul which formerly and even today use this prose in the divine office: “Lazarus is raised up, bound from the tomb by the bond of hands and feet, about to receive a worthier reward; many from the people rejoice, proclaiming at the sight of the miracle that the Redeemer of the nations has come.” And shortly after: “Lazarus departs, leaves his homeland, crosses the sea, fearing the sanctity of the Jews; he quickly comes to the island of Cyprus, the flower of the saints, exalted to the episcopate, he lived in the world pleasing to God; at last through martyrdom he was crowned by God and placed in heaven among the heavenly orders.” This prose above all other churches is sung by the Church of Saint Lazarus, namely that which is at
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 53 Bellouacum, tum quæ ad Lutetiam Parisiorum. Hic autem Hymnus in eo differt ab iis, quos pa- gina 113. & 123. Guesnæus memorat, quòd cum antiquis de Lazaro traditionibus conueniat, alij verò dissideant, nec vltra annum Christi sexcen- tesimum regrediantur. Villamontius lineam Ecclesiasticæ traditio- nis claudet lib. 2. Peregrinationum cap. 7. qui cùm in insula Cypro versaretur & Citio, quod est oppidum Cypri, transiret, vidisse se vetustissi- ma templa scribit, in honorem sancti Lazari Ci- tiensis Episcopi ædificata. Hæc pristinis de Laza- ro traditionibus coniungenda sunt, & continuò secernenda ab iis, quæ idem auctor postea de La- zaro Massiliensi ex vulgi opinionibus adiungit. Ecce tibi castissimos incorruptæ vetustatis limi- tes, quos nulla vnquam anilium fabularum de- fensio, nulla nouellæ adinuentionis libido refi- get. Hæc igitur Ecclesiasticæ traditionis linea si Guesnæo displicet, in arcem causæ nostræ inua- dat, Epiphaniúmque arietet antiquioribus instru- mentis: Vnicum producat athletam, qui de Laza- ri traditionibus per ætatem accuratiùs armetur, vel sanè comprimat vocem, hactenus indicem ignorantiæ suæ. Magdalena Ephesi obiit, & sepulta est. 2. Vt Epiphanius Constantiæ Cypri Episcopus gentis suæ de Lazaro, ita & Modestus Hiero- solymorum præsul gentis quoque suæ de Magda- lena traditiones collegit, quæ sic se habent in ora- tione, quam ante annos mille de vnguentiferis virginibus scripsit: εἰκότος ουτὸς Πλυσιαία χαλέγεται D iii
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OF MARY MAGDALENE. 53 Bellouacum, then the one at Paris near Lutetia. But this Hymn differs from those which Guesnæus mentions on page 113 and 123, in that it agrees with the ancient traditions concerning Lazarus, whereas the others differ, and do not go back beyond the sixth hundredth year after Christ. Villamontius will conclude the line of ecclesiastical tradition in book 2 of the Peregrinations, chapter 7, where, while he was in the island of Cyprus and passing through Citium, a town of Cyprus, he գրում writes that he saw the oldest temples, built in honor of Saint Lazarus, Bishop of Citium. These things must be joined to the earlier traditions about Lazarus, and immediately distinguished from those which the same author afterward adds concerning Lazarus of Marseilles from popular opinion. Behold for you the most chaste boundaries of incorrupt antiquity, which no defense ever of old wives’ tales, no desire for new invention, shall ever break through. If therefore this line of ecclesiastical tradition displeases Guesnæus, let him rush against the citadel of our case, and hurl Epiphanius against the older records: let him produce one champion, who by reason of age may be more accurately equipped concerning the traditions of Lazarus, or indeed let him silence his voice, hitherto an index of his ignorance. Mary died at Ephesus, and was buried. 2. As Epiphanius, bishop of Constia in Cyprus, gathered from the traditions of his own people concerning Lazarus, so also Modestus, prelate of Jerusalem, gathered from the traditions of his own people concerning Magdalene, which stand thus in the discourse he wrote a thousand years ago about the myrrh-bearing virgins: εἰκότος ουτὸς Πλυσιαία χαλέγεται D iii
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54 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS πῶ Magdalenum ὅ σωτήρ, αφήν ἐκελεκμηει δαιμόνια ἐπία. ἐνα τοῦ αρχοντὰ τῶς καρίες δὲ αυτῶς απελιστὸν τῶς αυδροπίνης φύσεως. ὑπι, Φησοὶ, αὶ ἰδεια τῶ Magdalen- νω ταῦτω διὰ βίον παρδένεν διδασκονοι, καὶ μαρτυειον. δὲ αυτῶς φερεται, εἰνὸς λεγεται διὰ τῶ ακραν αυτῶς παρ- δειαν καὶ καδαρτηται, κῶς ὑαλον αυτῶν καδαρὴν τοῖς ἔα- νισαίς φαυνεῖα. ὑπι, Φησοὶ, μὴ τῶ κοιμον τῶς δεατηνης πιμων δεστοκον περευδεῖα σὶς ἕσεσμὸν τῶς τῶν πιτημησιν μαθητῶν, εκεῖσε τῶν δεμμον αποσολικῶν διὰ τῶ μαρτυειον πι μεθορεσει Μαρία ἐπελειωσε. μὴ δελησατομεῖχε τῶς τῶ- λευτῶν χωειδηται τῶ παρδένον καὶ ευαγγελιστον ἰωανον. Meritò igitur elegit Mariam Magdalenam Sal- nator, è qua septem dæmonia eiecit, vt principem peccati per illam ab hominibus expelleret. Historiæ tradunt Magdalenam, de qua Dominus septem dæmonia eiecit, hanc virginem fuisse, & martyrium huius memoratur, vbi dicitur, propter summam il- lius virginitatem & puritatem, illam tanquam vi- trum purum tortoribus visam fuisse. Post obdor- mitionem sanctissimæ Domina nostræ Deiparæ pro- fecta est Ephesum ad dilectum discipulum, vbi cursum Apostolicum per martyrium vnguentifera Maria perfecit, nolens ad extremum vsque spiri- tum ab Ioanne Euangelista & virgine separari. Hæc Modestus apud Photium codice 275. quæ ex receptis apud Græcos, & vt par est credere, Hierosolymitanos historiis & traditionibus ac- cepit, & sua auctoritate, quæ in hac re maximi ponderis est, confirmauit. Facilè tamen patior, vt Guesnæus & coniurati cum eo sponsores libri, & vetustiores Modesto historicos, & Modestum ipsum mendacij redarguant, sed ex iis inter Græ- cos auctoribus, qui rem nunc controuersam me-
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54 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Why did the Savior choose Mary Magdalene, after He had cast out seven demons from her, as a witness? He also showed that this was part of the order of human nature. I ask, they say, that the very idea of this Magdalene, instructed by a life of virginity and a witness, is this: she is said to have borne herself in the utmost chastity and purity, as a pure vessel among the angels. I ask, they say, that the common opinion of the faithful concerning the disciples’ testimony should not be disturbed, and that in the Gospel narrative Mary was perfected by martyrdom. I do not wish to dispute the final fate of the virgin and evangelist John. Accordingly, the Savior very fittingly chose Mary Magdalene, from whom He cast out seven demons, so that through her He might drive out the prince of sin from among men. Histories relate that Magdalene, from whom the Lord cast out seven demons, was this virgin; and her martyrdom is remembered, where it is said that, because of her supreme virginity and purity, she seemed to the torturers like a clear glass. After the death of our most holy Lady the Mother of God, she went to Ephesus to the beloved disciple, where the unguent-bearing Mary completed her apostolic course by martyrdom, unwilling even to the last breath to be separated from John the Evangelist and the Virgin. This Modestus, in Photius, codex 275, accepted from the histories and traditions current among the Greeks, and, as is fitting to believe, among the Jerusalemites, and confirmed by his authority, which in this matter is of the greatest weight. Nevertheless, I readily allow that Guesnaeus and the co-conspirators with him, sponsors of the book, and the older historians than Modestus, and Modestus himself, may be accused of falsehood; but from those among the Greek authors who now controvert the matter...
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 55 liùs nouerint, antiquioribus scilicet, æqualibus, vel certè supparibus. Quod nî fecerit, verustiorum Modesto historicorum, & Modesti ipsius traditionem quis animi compos non amplecteretur, & defensa ab illo viro bono commenta non improbaret? Gregorius Turonensis ante annos quoque mil- le hæc de Magdalena posteritati commendauit lib. 1. de Miraculis cap. 30. In Epheso autem habetur locus, in quo hic Apostolus (Ioannes) Evangelium, quod ex eius nomine in Ecclesia legitur, scripsit. & post pauca: In ea vrbe Maria Magdalena quiescit, nullum super se tegmen habens. In ea & septem dormientes habentur. Hæc ille, qui & antiquioribus & æqualibus sibi Græcis concordat. Neque verò ista tanquam à se inuenta, sed vt à maioribus traducta, vniuersóque orbi notissima proponit. Quò sanè spectant hæc verba, nullum super se tegmen habens, quibus res explorata ab iis maximè, qui loca sacra inuiserant, perspectáque declaratur. Verùm facilè parior, vt Guesnæus & coniurati cum eo sponsores libri Gregorium falsitatis accusent, sed ex iis inter Latinos auctoribus, qui rem nunc controuersam meliùs nouerint, quique Magdalenam in Gallias mari vel terra venisse conceptis verbis asseruerint, antiquioribus scilicet, æqualibus, vel certè supparibus. Quod nî fecerit, ratum erit atque fixum, quicquid de Magdalena vir rerum Galli- carum peritissimus scripsit. In hac porro ætate quis crederet Modestum & Gregorium tanto inter se locorum spatio distantes sic in vnam conspirasse sententiam, quæ cum D iii
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLE. 55 let them know, that is to say, the more ancient authors, the contemporaries, or at least those nearly of the same time. If he does not do this, who would not, with a judicious mind, embrace the tradition of the very modest historians, and of Modestus himself, and not disapprove the accounts defended by that good man? Gregory of Tours also, a thousand years ago, commended these things concerning Magdalene to posterity, book 1 of the Miracles, chapter 30. “But in Ephesus there is found the place in which this Apostle [John] wrote the Gospel, which is read in the Church under his name.” And a little later: “In that city Mary Magdalene rests, having no covering over her. In it the seven sleepers are also found.” These are his words, who agrees with both the older and the contemporary Greek writers. Nor does he present these things as though invented by himself, but as handed down from his elders, and known to the whole world. Indeed, these words, “having no covering over her,” clearly point to this, by which the established fact is declared, especially by those who had visited the holy places and observed them closely. But I easily agree that Guesnéus and the confederates joined with him may accuse Gregory of falsehood, but from those Latin writers who knew the matter now in dispute better, and who expressly asserted that Magdalene came into Gaul by sea or by land, namely the more ancient, the contemporaries, or certainly those nearly of the same time. If he does not do this, it will stand and remain fixed, whatever that most learned man in Gallic affairs wrote concerning Magdalene. In this age moreover, who would believe that Modestus and Gregory, separated from one another by such a great distance of places, could have agreed so in one and the same opinion, which with D iii
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56 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS omni retro traditione pugnaret? Credit enim- uerò Guesnæns, audacterque asserit, Modestum furfureum auctorem esse, & Photium, à quo Modesti refertur oratio, schismaticum, Gregorium verò in historia sæpiùs peccare; in summa neutrum consentire Sammaximinensium reuelationibus, & Magdalenæ gestis, quæ Marcella Marthæ pedissequa Hebraicè composuit, quæ- que Synthex multa prætermittens in Latinum vertit: Calumnia, nugæ, quibus quælibet memoriæ prodita à Modesto vel Gregorio veritas inobscuretur. Sanctus Vuilibaldus Aichtadianus antistes, qui ad annum Christi 745. loca sancta inuisit, verum esse comperit, quod Gregorius Turonensis de Magdalenæ sepulchro recensuit: Transitis, inquit auctor vitæ illius, Choo, Samoque insulis tabentes salo artus apud Ephesum Asia insulam exponunt, ubi postquam ad sepulchrum sancti Ioannis Euangelistæ ebulliens inde manna admirantes lacrymis perfuderunt, postquam se septem dormientibus & Mariæ Magdalena ibidem requiescenti commendauerant, &c. Hæc sanctus Episcopus retulit ei, qui Hodæporicum descripsit apud Henricum Canisium tom. 4. parte 2. Antiquarum Lectionum. Hæc quamquam verissima sunt, facilè tamen patior, vt vir bonus ea redarguat ex auctoribus Græcis vel Latinis, qui ab anno Christi 700. ad annum 800. floruerunt. Quod ni fecerit, id firmissimè stabit, quod nobis vita sancti Vuilibaldi scripta tempore non suspecto testatur. Ad hanc ætatem referendum est id, quod habet vetus Martyrologium M. S. Abbatiæ Monia-
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56 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Would he fight against all earlier tradition? For indeed he believes—no, rather Guesnæns boldly asserts—that Modestus is the author of a certain furfureus, and that Photius, from whom the discourse of Modestus is reported, is a schismatic, and Gregory, moreover, often errs in history; in short, that neither agrees with the revelations of the Sammaximinians and the deeds of Magdalene, which Marcella, Martha’s handmaid, composed in Hebrew, and which Synthex translated into Latin, omitting many things: slanders, trifles, by which whatever truth has been handed down by Modestus or Gregory is obscured. Saint Vuilibald, bishop of Aichtadia, who visited the holy places in the year of Christ 745, found to be true what Gregory of Tours related concerning the tomb of Magdalene: “Having passed,” says the author of his life, “the islands of Choo and Samo, they lay down their limbs, worn by the sea, at Ephesus, an island of Asia, where, after admiring with tears the manna welling forth there from the tomb of Saint John the Evangelist, after commending themselves to the seven sleepers and to Mary Magdalene resting there, etc.” This the holy bishop reported to the man who described the Hodæporicum, as found in Henry Canisius, vol. 4, part 2 of the Antiquarum Lectionum. Although these things are most true, nevertheless I can easily bear a good man to refute them from Greek or Latin authors who flourished from the year of Christ 700 to the year 800. Unless he does so, that will stand most firmly which the life of Saint Vuilibald, written at a time not suspect, testifies to us. To this age should be referred what the old manuscript Martyrology of the Abbey of Monia-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 57 lium sancti Laurentij Bituricensis; vndecimo Ca- lendas Augusti: Apud Ephesum sanctæ Mariæ Magdalena. Nunc diligentissimus pater propo- nat aliquod vetus Massiliensis aut Aquensis Ec- clesiæ Martyrologium, vbi sit: Apud Massiliam, vel Aquas Sextias sanctæ Mariæ Magdalena, tunc si constet non esse recenti manu scriptum, sed an- te annos sexcentos exaratum, reuerentiam illius benignè audiemus, vt videat nos nullam inue- niendæ asserendæque veritatis rationem auersari. Flodoardus Remensis Presbyter lib. 1. de trium- phis Sanctorum Palæstinæ cap. 27. Pluribus, inquit, hæc tellus hinc priscæ legis alumnis Inde nouæ rutilat Christi, quos gratia saluat. Hac quoque Magdalene regione Maria residet Dæmonibus pulsis Iesus, quâ flaminis almi Vt feruenter amet, patet esse capacem. Cuius ita Christo placuit dilectio pura, Vt Stygiis illum redeuntem prima videret, Ex claustris Erebi violenta lege soluta, Hic prope Bethaniam tibi Lazare sancte sepul- chrum, Vnde quaterno postquam te sole retentat, Hæc domus Ecclesia est, tua sororumque tuarum. Hæc ex manuscripto codice sanctæ Mariæ Lau- dunensis, qui à reuerendo patre Thoma de Aqui- no Carmelita Discalceato publicam lucem exspe- ctat. Quamuis autem Flodoardus Magdalenam & Lazarum in Oriente mortuos esse non canat, eos tamen Orientalium Sanctorum numero ad- scribit, nec vbi Sanctorum Galliæ triumphos exe- quitur, Magdalenam & Lazarum in Prouinciam
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 57 of Saint Lawrence of Bourges; on the eleventh day before the Kalends of August: At Ephesus, Saint Mary Magdalene. Now let the most diligent father produce some old Martyrology of the Church of Marseilles or of Aix, where it is said: At Marseilles, or Aix, Saint Mary Magdalene; then, if it is established that it was not written by a recent hand, but copied six hundred years ago, we shall kindly hear him with respect, so that he may see that we by no means reject any means of discovering and establishing the truth. Flodoard, priest of Reims, book 1, chapter 27, of the Triumphs of the Saints of Palestine: More abundantly, he says, does this land shine forth for the ancient pupils of the law on this side, and for those of the new law on that side, whom the grace of Christ saves. Here also Mary Magdalene dwells in this region, after the demons were driven out by Jesus, where, with the gentle breath of the Holy Spirit, it is shown to be capable of fervent love. Such pure devotion to Christ pleased him so greatly that he first saw him returning from the Stygian realms, released by violent decree from the prisons of Erebus. Here, near Bethany, holy Lazarus, for you is the tomb, whence after you had been detained four days by the sun, this house is the Church, yours and that of your sisters. This is from a manuscript codex of Saint Mary of Laon, which awaits publication from the reverend father Thomas de Aquino, Discalced Carmelite. But although Flodoard does not sing that Magdalene and Lazarus died in the East, he nevertheless counts them among the Eastern Saints, nor, where he recounts the triumphs of the Saints of Gaul, does he bring Magdalene and Lazarus into Provence.
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58 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS venisse memorat. Ex quo manifestum est, tunc nondum natum esse, qui sub Marcellæ nomine gesta Magdalenæ fabularetur. Neque verò Flo- doardi ætas vel accuratio ferebat, vt ab illis gestis, si tunc edita fuissent, abstineret. Stupenda enim Magdalenæ nauigatio, Euangelij prædicatio, & in præruptum montem secessus, & diuturna solitudo poëtæ venam prouocassent. Magna Menæa die 22. Iulij antiquam traditionem retinent, eâmque ita confirmant: T[ame]n ærias μεροφορον και ἀποσορον Μαρίας τ[ame]ns Magdalan[n]is. & post alia: μετ[α] πιν αμιαν αυτιλιαν ζησομένιν εἰς Εφεσον πρὸς τὸν ἰωανην τὸν Θεολόγον, και ἀποσορον εμεῖ ὑδιων κε- ποιμητω, και ἐπεδη πρὸς τ[ame]n ἔισοδω, απελαιων, εν ὑμ[.] αμαν και μαραμιο ἐπιδα κεποιμητω παίδες. ἐντερον δὲ ἐπι λεον- τος τ[ame]ν εν μαραμιο τ[ame]n λήθει ζησομένων βισοίλεως μὴν τὸ παῦτης αυακομιαδεν λειφανον εν τ[ame]ν ὑμ[.] αυτ[. ]ουσιοει μὴν τ[ame]ν ἀμαν λαζαρον κατετεθη, εν ἐπισκιων καὶ ἀντωξις αυτῶς πελεῖται. Sanctæ vnquentifera, & æqualis Apostolorum Maria Magdalenæ. Post sanctam Assumptio- nem dum Ephesi versaretur cum sancto Ioanne Theologo & Apostolo, ibi sanctè obdormiuit, & ap- posita est in ingressu spelæi, in quo sancti & beati septem pueri quiescunt. Postea verò cùm Leo in Oriente feliciter imperaret, translatum illius cor- pus Lazaro adiunxit, & in eodem templo colloca- uit, vbi & singulis annis festinitas illius celebrat- tur. Hæc eadem penitus verba habentur in Syna- xario Græcorum ante quingentos annos exarato, cuius mihi copiam fecit humanissimus iuxta & doctissimus Sirmondus. Georgius Cedrenus Menæis & Synaxario acce- dit incompendio historiarum: αυτηρτ ἐν ἀνδραλλος
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58 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS he mentions having come. From this it is clear that at that time there had not yet been born the one who, under the name of Marcella, would have fabricated the deeds of Magdalene. Nor did the age or accuracy of Flodoard allow that he should have omitted those deeds, if they had then been published. For the wondrous voyage of Magdalene, the preaching of the Gospel, the retreat into a steep mountain, and the long solitude would have stirred the poet’s vein. The Great Menæa for the 22nd of July preserve the ancient tradition, and confirm it thus: T[ame]n ἀέρια μεροφορον και ἀποσορον Μαρίας t[ame]ns Magdalan[n]is. & after other things: μετ[α] πιν αμιαν αυτιλιαν ζησομένιν εἰς Εφεσον πρὸς τὸν ἰωανην τὸν Θεολόγον, και ἀποσορον εμεῖ ὑδιων κε- ποιμητω, και ἐπεδη πρὸς t[ame]n ἔισοδω, απελαιων, εν ὑμ[.] αμαν και μαραμιο ἐπιδα κεποιμητω παίδες. ἐντερον δὲ ἐπι λεοντος t[ame]ν εν μαραμιο t[ame]n λήθει ζησομένων βισοίλεως μὴν τὸ παῦτης αυακομιαδεν λειφανον εν t[ame]ν ὑμ[.] αυτ[. ]ουσιοει μὴν t[ame]ν ἀμαν λαζαρον κατετεθη, εν ἐπισκιων καὶ ἀντωξις αυτῶς πελεῖται. Holy, ointment-bearing, and equal to the Apostles, Mary Magdalene. After the holy Assumption, while she was dwelling at Ephesus with the holy John the Theologian and Apostle, there she fell asleep in holiness, and was laid at the entrance of the cave, in which the holy and blessed seven boys rest. Afterwards, when Leo was happily ruling in the East, her body was translated and joined to Lazarus, and placed in the same temple, where her festival is celebrated each year. These same words are found in the Greek Synaxarion written out five hundred years ago, of which the most courteous and most learned Sirmondus kindly supplied me a copy. George Cedrenus in brief agrees with the Menæa and the Synaxarion in the history: αυτηρτ ἐν ἀνδραλλος
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 59 ἐν τὸν τὸποις, εἰς ὑνομια τὸς ἀγίου Λαζαρον, εἰνὸς ὑπὸ τὸς ἀγίες μετακομίσις ἀπείδιτο σωμα, καὶ τὴς ἀγίας Μαείας Magdalene νῦς ἐφίσω μετακομίσως. Ibidem aliud templum con- didit (Leo) beato Lazaro sacrum. In eoque reli- quias huius sancti (Citio) & Mariæ Magdalene Epheso allatas reposuit. Hæc ille, qui Compen- dium historiarum ab orbe condito ad annum 1057. scripsit. Ioannes Curopalata eiusdem est cum Cedreno sententiæ in historia, quam ab anno 811. ad annum 1081. perduxit: Leo Imperator templum construxit, sancto Lazaro dedicatum, in quo Sancti allatum cor- pus reposuit, atque sororis eius Mariæ Magdalene. Hic Leo, cuius meminerunt Cedrenus & Curo- palates, ad annum 911. è viuis excessit, atque ita rem ab suis patribus visam historici scriptis prodi- derunt. Ioannes Zonaras monachus Constantinopoli- tanustom. 3. annalium, qui in annum Christi 1118. desinunt, rem oculis suis quotidie subiectam de- clarat in Leone: ἀγίι ἐν ὑνοματι ὑπὸ ἀγίου Λαζαρον ναὸς ἐπιματο ἐπεργον, εἰς ὑν ἀγίι τὸ ἰερον εκείνον σωμα ἀπερισκοῦ- εισεν εἰν τὴς ἀγίων μετενεχθεν, αλλὰ ἀγίι τὸς τὴς Magda- λene Μαείας. Condidit & aliam ædem sancti Lazæ- ri nomine, in qua sacrum eius corpus è Cypro trans- latum condidit, necnon Mariæ Magdalene corpus, quod scilicet Epheso quoque aduectum est. Loca, ex quibus translatio facta est, Cedrenus & Zona- ras breuitate sermonis inuoluunt, sed ex aliis au- ctoribus euoluenda sunt. Verùm hos historicos reiicit Guesnæus, quia scissam cum Ecclesia Lati- na concordiam fouerunt. Ridiculè omnino: quasi quæ de Magdalena & Lazaro scripserint, ad Spi-
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ON MARY MAGDALENE, 59 in those places, in honor of Saint Lazarus, the translation of the holy body of the holy Mary Magdalene was also thought to have taken place. In the same place (Leo) built another temple sacred to blessed Lazarus. And in it he placed the relics of this saint, brought from Cyprus, and of Mary Magdalene from Ephesus. So writes the author who composed the Compendium of Histories from the Creation of the World to the Year 1057 . Ioannes Curopalates is in agreement with Cedrenus in the history which he carried from the year 811 to the year 1081: Emperor Leo built a temple dedicated to Saint Lazarus, in which he placed the brought body of the Saint, together with that of his sister Mary Magdalene. This Leo, whom Cedrenus and Curopalates mention, died in the year 911, and thus historians recorded in writing a matter seen by their ancestors. Ioannes Zonaras, a monk of Constantinople, in book 3 of the annals, which come down to the year of Christ 1118, declares, from what was daily before his eyes, concerning Leo: he built a sacred temple in the name of Saint Lazarus, in which he deposited that holy body, brought from among the saints, as well as the body of Mary Magdalene. He also built another edifice in the name of Saint Lazarus, in which he placed his sacred body, translated from Cyprus, as well as the body of Mary Magdalene, which was likewise brought from Ephesus. The places from which the translation was made are passed over in brevity by Cedrenus and Zonaras, but must be unfolded from other authors. Yet Guesnæus rejects these historians, because they fostered a schism with the Latin Church. Ridiculous indeed: as though what they wrote about Magdalene and Lazarus belonged to Spi-
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60 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS ritus sancti Processionem, vel ad alia violatæ religionis capita pertinerent. Baldricus Episcopus Nouiomensis lib.2. Chronici cap.43. Est, inquit, monasterium Canonicorum in honore Apostolorum Petri & Pauli in vico, qui dicitur Lutosa, quod construxit beatus Amandus, & est diues Abbatia, vbi vir Dei venerabilis Baidilo requiescit, qui corpus sanctæ Mariæ Magdalenæ de Ierusalem in Burgundiam in loco Verceliaco attulisse dicitur. Hæc ille, in quibus piæ in Orientem peregrinationis scopum, id est, Hierosolymam spectasse crediderim, non locum, vbi tunc Magdalenæ corpus iacebat. Vtut sit, ex Baldrico, qui ad annum 1112. obiit, profectò constat, nondum suo tempore palam inuectum, Magdalenam in Prouinciam venisse, sed in Oriente obiisse, vnde corpus in Burgundiam transfertur. Immo Ionuillæus in vita sancti Ludouici cap.80. significat, incertum adhuc esse Magdalenæ Massiliensis rumore, quo tepore Rex sanctissimus ab expeditione terræ sanctæ in Galliam reuerteretur, hoc est, ad annum 1254. Sed paulò pòst Sammaximinenses fratres hunc rumorem sustulerunt, suisque reuelationibus & somniis, vt Guesnæi voce vtar, rem confirmarunt. Vtrum autem Baidilo tantæ fuerit auctoritatis, vt à Græcis Magdalenæ corpus obtinuerit, disputare mei instituti non est, nunc aliorum esto iudicium. Vtcunque sit, translatum in Burgundiam Baldricus asserit, & supponunt Pontifices, quorum epistolas edidimus, sicut idem Magdalenæ corpus in Prouincia quiescere supponunt alij, qui post Bonifacium VIII. hoc ipsum suis epistolis
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60 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS matters concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit, or other points of violated religion. Baldric, Bishop of Noyon, in book 2 of the Chronicle, chapter 43, says: “There is a house of canons in honor of the Apostles Peter and Paul, in the village called Lutosa, which blessed Amandus built, and it is a rich abbey, where the venerable man of God Baidilo rests, who is said to have brought the body of Saint Mary Magdalene from Jerusalem into Burgundy, to the place called Verceliacum.” Such are his words; and in them I would believe that the goal of the pious pilgrimage to the East, that is, Jerusalem, was intended, not the place where the body of Magdalene then lay. Be that as it may, from Baldric, who died in the year 1112, it is certainly clear that in his own time it had not yet been openly introduced that Magdalene came to Provence, but that she died in the East, from where her body was transferred to Burgundy. Nay, Joinville, in the Life of Saint Louis, chapter 80, indicates that it was still uncertain, from the rumor of Magdalene at Marseilles, at what time the most holy King, returning to France from the expedition of the Holy Land, that is, in the year 1254. But shortly afterward the brothers of Saint-Maximin put an end to this rumor, and by their revelations and dreams, to use the words of Guesnay, confirmed the matter. Whether, however, Baidilo was of such authority that he obtained the body of Magdalene from the Greeks is not a matter for me to discuss; let it now be the judgment of others. In any case, that it was transferred into Burgundy Baldric affirms, and the popes, whose letters we have published, assume, just as others assume that the same body of Magdalene rests in Provence, who after Boniface VIII. by their letters have also
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 61 asseruerunt. Hæc mera facti, non dogmatis quæ- stio est, ex hominum testimoniis pendens, in qua potest quisque sanctissimus, atque doctissimus fidei orthodoxæ professor aliquando falli. Richardus Vasseburgius, qui superiori sæculo vixit, lib.2. Antiquitatum Galliæ Belgicæ Magdalena Ephesinam attestatur, vbi piam Magdaluei Virdunensis Episcopi ad sancta loca profectionem sic describit: Magdalueus Constantinopoli venit Ephesum, vbi sancti Ioannis Euangelistæ sepulchrum inuisit, eique tunc ostensum est Magdalena corpus, quod vnusquisque intueri facilè poterat in sepuchro, quod operimento nullo tegeretur. & post alia, quæ cùm ex fabulosa corporis ex Aquensi oppido translatione ad Vizeliacum, tum ex fido inter Magdalueum & Ephesi Presbyteros colloquio inserit: Magdalueus d[uo] nos Magdalena dentes cum aliqua capillorum portione obtinuit. & post alia: Vbi reuersus est Magdalueus ædem ædificari curauit, quam Magdalena sacram esse voluit, in eâque illius reliquias collocauit. Hac in narratione si pretiosum à vili separetur, quod pretiosum est, cum omni retro memoria quadrabit. Quod autem fabulosum historiæ Magdaluei indidit Vasseburgius, ex seculi sui contagione habuit. Si quo enim tempore vixit Magdalueus, historiam scripsisset æque, ac qui vitam Vuilibaldi confecit, recentium fabularum aut fecti colloquij nihil admiscuisset, si modò verum est Magdalueum in Orientem profectum. Anthologium, seu Breuiarium Græcum, quod Romæ anno 1598. editum, ac probatum est à Clemente VIII. & quamplurimis Cardinalibus,
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 61 they have asserted. This is a question of mere fact, not of doctrine, depending on the testimony of men, in which even the holiest and most learned professor of the orthodox faith may sometimes be mistaken. Richard Vasseburgius, who lived in the previous century, in book 2 of the Antiquities of Belgic Gaul, attests Magdalene of Ephesus, where he describes the pious journey of Bishop Magdalene of Verdun to the holy places thus: Magdalene came from Constantinople to Ephesus, where he visited the sepulchre of Saint John the Evangelist, and there the body of Magdalene was then shown to him, which anyone could easily behold in the tomb, because it was covered with no covering. And after other things, which he inserts partly from the fabulous translation of the body from the town of Aix to Vézelay, and partly from a trustworthy conversation between Magdalene and the priests of Ephesus: Magdalene obtained the body of the holy man, with some portion of the hair. And after other things: When he returned, Magdalene took care that a church should be built, which he wished to be sacred to Magdalene, and in it he placed his relics. In this narrative, if the precious be separated from the worthless, what is precious will agree with all ancient memory. But what Vasseburgius added as fabulous to the history of Magdalene he took from the corruption of his own age. For if at the time when Magdalene lived he had written history, just as he who composed the life of Willibald did, he would have mingled nothing of recent fables or a fabricated conversation, if only it is true that Magdalene traveled to the East. The Anthologium, or Greek Breviary, which was published at Rome in the year 1598 and approved by Clement VIII and very many cardinals,
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62 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS omnia sic concludit in Officio Magdalenæ die 22. Iulij: πις όμοια ὑποι τω ἧειτω, ἐπολούδωσεν ἀυτῶ. ἀυτῶ ἐκ τῶν Magdalenor ἐν τῶν ὅειων Συνείας, ἐνοχλομητικῶ διμόνων ἐπία. & postalia: μὴ σων τω ἔνιαν ἀγίαν απάλησιν ἐμομηνεις ἔνεσαιν ὑρεσον ὑρεῖς τον ἀγιον ἰωανίων τον δεολόρον καὶ ἀποστολον ἐκεῖ ὑδιων κεκοιμται καὶ ἐπίδη ὑρεῖς τὴν εἰσόδων τὴν απολαίου, εν ὃι σι ἀγιοι καὶ μαρμείω ἐπίδει κεκοιμωται πινδες. ἐνεργον δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Λεοντος τὴν εν μαρμείον τὴν ληθει ἐμομηνει ἔκαθλεως ἀμων τὸ πῶτης ἀγακομαδεν λείφανον εν τὴν ὃω ἀυτῶ συστει μῶν τὴν ἀγιον κατετεθη, εν ἐπισκων ἐν συμαξίσι ἀυτῶν πελεῖται. Quæ cùm ad Christum accessisset, secula est eum. Hæc orta erat ex Magdalis finibus Syria, à septem demonibus turba- ta. Post diuinam igitur & sanctam Ascensionem, dum Ephesicum B. Ioanne Theologo & Apostolo ver- saretur, ibi sanctè obdormiuit, & in ingressu spelæi collocata est, in quo sancti & beati septem pueri quiescunt. Postea verò cùm Leo felicibus auspiciis imperaret, illius allatum inde corpus in eodem cum sancti Lazari reliquiis templo, quod Imperator ædificauerat, repositum est, vbi quotannis festinitas illius celebratur. Quæ eadem verba reperiuntur in verere Synaxario, quod laudauimus. Hoc autem Breuiarium Græcum Latino, vbi Magdalenam in Gallias accessisse ferunt, hac in re præstat, quòd cum antiquis vtriusque Ecclesiæ scriptoribus cõ- sentiat, Latinum verò dissentiat, nec vltra quin- gentos circiter annos regrediatur, & tum demùm in subdititiam Magdalenæ & Marthæ historiam desinat, quæ sub nomine Marcellæ circumlata multos Breuiariorum & recentium scriptorum codices occupauit. Sed ista nihil poterunt vn- quam aduersus summa & inuictissima iura veri-
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62 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS he concludes everything thus in the Office of Magdalene on the 22nd of July: “πις όμοια ὑποι τω ἧειτω, ἐπολούδωσεν ἀυτῶ. ἀυτῶ ἐκ τῶν Magdalenor ἐν τῶν ὅειων Συνείας, ἐνοχλομητικῶ διμόνων ἐπία. & postalia: μὴ σων τω ἔνιαν ἀγίαν απάλησιν ἐμομηνεις ἔνεσαιν ὑρεσον ὑρεῖς τον ἀγιον ἰωανίων τον δεολόρον καὶ ἀποστολον ἐκεῖ ὑδιων κεκοιμται καὶ ἐπίδη ὑρεῖς τὴν εἰσόδων τὴν απολαίου, εν ὃι σι ἀγιοι καὶ μαρμείω ἐπίδει κεκοιμωται πινδες.” He works this out also with reference to Leo in the marble sepulchre, where the holy remains were deposited, and in the adjacent places with their monuments. For when she had come to Christ, she followed him. She had come from the bounds of Magdalis in Syria, troubled by seven demons. After the divine and holy Ascension, while she was staying in Ephesus with the blessed John the Theologian and Apostle, she there fell asleep in holiness, and was placed at the entrance of the cave, in which the holy and blessed seven boys rest. Later, however, when Leo was ruling under favorable auspices, her body was brought from there and laid in the same temple with the relics of Saint Lazarus, which the Emperor had built, where her feast is celebrated every year. The same words are found in the old Synaxary, which we have praised. But this Greek Breviary, unlike the Latin one, where they say that Magdalene went to Gaul, has this advantage: it agrees with the ancient writers of both Churches, whereas the Latin one disagrees, and does not go back beyond about five hundred years, and then at last ends in the spurious history of Magdalene and Martha, which, under the name of Marcella, has circulated through many codices of Breviaries and later writers. But these things can never prevail against the supreme and invincible rights of truth.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 63 tatis, quæ vt ait Baronius anno 109. num. 51. nulla plurimorum sæculorum valent præscriptione lædi, nec innumera testium multitudine obrui & labefactari. Hoc etiam contra Sammaximinenses perinde dicimus, quasi nulla iis cum Vizeliaci monachis fuisset contentio. Martha Hierosolymis obiit, & sepulta est. 3. Vt Magdalenani & Lazarum, sic & Martham in oras Prouinciæ maritimas non appulisse iuxta certum est. Erenim qui Martham appulisse dicunt, in eadem cum illis duobus naui appulisse dicunt. Vnde sit, vt quibus machinis Magdalenæ & Lazari, iisdem & Marthæ è Iudæa in Prouinciam appulsus retardatur, & delirantium nautarum somniis accensetur. Et quanquam quæ ad commentitiam nauigationem spectant, illa paribus rationum momentis nituntur, par tamen non est Magdalenæ, Lazari & Marthæ apud antiquos mentio. Nam quo in loco Magdalena & Lazarus ex hominum colluuione discesserint, memorant, sed quo in loco Martha extra Martyrologiorum codices, non memini me legere vspiam obseruarum. Ergo diuersarum Ecclesiarum Martyrologia perquirenda sunt, quæ nos locum obitus Marthæ doceant. Horum Martyrologiorum primum erit Rabani Moguntinensis Episcopi, qui Carolo Caluo Imperatore vixit: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma natale Marthæ, & Mariæ sororum Lazari. Secundum Notkeri Sangallensis monachi, qui ante annos sexcentos floruit: 14. Calendas Fe-
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ON MAGDALEN OF MARSEILLES. 63 ... of a fact which, as Baronius says in the year 109, no prescription of many centuries can impair, nor can it be overwhelmed or weakened by the countless multitude of witnesses. We say the same also against the Sammaximinenses, as if there had been no dispute between them and the monks of Vizeliac. Martha died at Jerusalem, and was buried there. 3. Just as it is certain that Magdalene and Lazarus did not land on the shores of Provence, so also Martha did not. For those who say that Martha landed there say that she landed in the same boat with those two. Hence it follows that, by the same devices by which the landing of Magdalene and Lazarus from Judaea into Provence is delayed, the landing of Martha is likewise delayed, and is to be counted among the dreams of mad sailors. And although the arguments relating to this imagined voyage rest on equal weight of reasons, the mention of Magdalene, Lazarus, and Martha among the ancients is not equal. For they record the place from which Magdalene and Lazarus departed from the throng of men, but I do not remember having read anywhere, outside the Martyrologies, where Martha died. Therefore the Martyrologies of different Churches must be examined, which may teach us the place of Martha's death. The first of these Martyrologies will be that of Rabanus, Bishop of Mainz, who lived under Emperor Charles the Bald: on the 14th day before the Kalends of February: at Jerusalem, the feast of Martha and Mary, sisters of Lazarus. The second, that of Notker, a monk of St. Gall, who flourished six hundred years ago: on the 14th day before the Kalends of Fe-
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14 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS bruarij: Hierosolymis natiuitas sanctarum Marthæ & Mariae sororum Lazari. Tertium sub nomine Hieronymi ante annos sexcentos scriptum in Bibliotheca Corbeiensi, cuius verba dedit Hugo Menardus in suis ad librum Sacramentorum Gregorij notis: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma Marthæ & Mariae sororum Lazari. Quartum paruulum Martyrologium, quod ibidem Menardus ait Remensi Martyrologio assutum esse: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma Maria & Martha sorores Lazari. Quintum Corbeiensese apud eundem Menardum: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma Marthæ & Maria. Sextum vetus Martyrologium M. S. Remensis Ecclesiæ: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma Maria & Martha sororum Lazari. Septimum vetus Martyrologium M. S. Ecclesiæ sancti Stephani Trecensis: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolymis Marthæ & Mariae sororum Lazari. Octauum vetus Martyrologium M. S. Andegauensis Ecclesiæ: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolymis Maria & Martha sororum Lazari resuscitati. Nonum vetus Martyrologium M. S. Metensis Ecclesiæ: 14. Calendas Februarij: In Hierosolyma natalis Maria & Martha sororum Lazari. Decimum Martyrologium vetus M. S. quod est in Bibliotheca Thuana: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma natalis Maria & Martha sororum Lazari. Vnde-
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14 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY 14 February: In Jerusalem, the feast of the holy sisters Martha and Mary, sisters of Lazarus. The third, under the name of Jerome, written six hundred years ago in the Corbie Library, whose words Hugo Menard gave in his notes on the book of the Sacraments of Gregory: 14. Calends of February: Jerusalem, Martha and Mary, sisters of Lazarus. The fourth, a little martyrology, which Menard says there was attached to the Reims martyrology: 14. Calends of February: Jerusalem, Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus. The fifth, Corbie’s, in the same Menard: 14. Calends of February: Jerusalem, Martha and Mary. The sixth, a old manuscript martyrology of the Church of Reims: 14. Calends of February: Jerusalem, Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus. The seventh, a old manuscript martyrology of the Church of Saint Stephen of Trecensis: 14. Calends of February: In Jerusalem, Martha and Mary, sisters of Lazarus. The eighth, a old manuscript martyrology of the Church of Andegauensis: 14. Calends of February: In Jerusalem, Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus, the one raised up. The ninth, a old manuscript martyrology of the Church of Metz: 14. Calends of February: In Jerusalem, the birthday of Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus. The tenth, an old manuscript martyrology which is in the Thuane Library: 14. Calends of February: Jerusalem, the birthday of Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus. Hence-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 65 Vndecimum vetus Martyrologium M. S. quod est Rotomagi in Bibliotheca viri clarissimi loannis Bigotij in Curia subsidiorum Senatoris: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolyma Maria & Marthæ sororum Lazari. His adiungimus appendicem Martyrologij Adonis Viennensium Episcopi: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolymis Marthæ & Mariæ sororum Lazari. Deinde Calendarium vetustissimum Codicis Ratoldi memorato apud Menardum loco: 14. Calendas Februarij: Hierosolymis Marthæ & Mariae. Notandum est nomine Mariæ, Mariam Magdalenam non intelligi, sed aliam mulierem iuxta sententiam veterum Patrum, qui Magdalenam Lazari sororem non fecerunt, à peccatrice distinxerunt, adeóque plures mulieres in Euangeliis intelligendas statuerunt. Qua de re videatur Estius in doctissima oratione, quam de Magdalena, illiusque à peccatrice discrimine habuit. Ex tot igitur veteribus Martyrologiis, quibus disiunctissimæ Ecclesiæ olim hodiéque vtuntur, manifestè liquet, Hierosolymam locum esse, vnde Martha in cælum euolauit. Ad decisionem quæstionis, quæ hoc capite præ manibus est, antiquitas doctrinæ quantum valeat, sensit ipse aduersarius: Et rectè quidem, suo-ne, an alieno iudicio non refert. Sed eam doctrinæ antiquitatem malis artibus affectauit, vt superior malæ fidei syllabus docet, atque ita causam, quam ruetur, sua defensione deteriorem fecit, & miserandum in modum profligauit. E
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ON MAGDALENE OF MASSILIA. 65 The eleventh old manuscript Martyrology, which is at Rouen in the Library of the very learned John Bigot, Senator in the Court of Aids: 14 February: At Jerusalem, Mary and Martha, sisters of Lazarus. To these we add the appendix of the Martyrology of Adon, Bishop of Vienne: 14 February: At Jerusalem, Martha and Mary, sisters of Lazarus. Then the very ancient Calendar of the Codex of Ratoldus, in the place cited by Menard: 14 February: At Jerusalem, Martha and Mary. It must be noted that by the name Mary, Mary Magdalene is not meant, but another woman, according to the opinion of the ancient Fathers, who did not make Magdalene the sister of Lazarus, and distinguished her from the sinner, and therefore judged that several women are to be understood in the Gospels. On this matter, see Estius in the most learned discourse which he delivered on Magdalene and her distinction from the sinner. From all these ancient Martyrologies, therefore, which the most widely separated Churches once used and still use today, it is clearly evident that Jerusalem is the place from which Martha flew up to heaven. As to the decision of the question now before us in this chapter, how much the antiquity of the doctrine is worth, the opponent himself has felt it; and rightly indeed, whether by his own judgment or another’s is of no importance. But he has attacked that antiquity of doctrine by dishonest means, as the preceding list of bad faith shows, and thus has made the cause he is trying to overthrow worse by his defense, and has ruined it in a pitiable manner. E
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66 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Nunc superest, vt Tertulliani verbis caput istud concludamus: Expedita virtus veritatis paucis amat, & aduersus multa, quæ mendacio necessaria sunt, pauca defendunt. Vbi ex ipso ordine manife- statur id esse verum, quod sit priùs traditum, id autem extraneum & falsum, quod sit posteriùs im- missum. Ea sententia manebit aduersus posteriores quasque hæreses, quibus nulla constantia de con- scientia competit ad defendendam sibi veritatem. CAPVT V NDECEIMVM. Exposita superiori capite traditio quæsitis ex historia Ecclesiæ rationibus confirmatur. QVÆ rationes expositam de Lazaro, Mag- dalena & Martha traditionem confirmant, eiulmodi sunt, vt, si nulla illius testimonia suppe- terent, rem ipsam, quæ confirmatur, apud erudi- tos & cordatos homines sine dubio stabilirent. Et primò quidem ad annum 397. quo Synodus Tau- rinensis habita est, cùm Proculus Massiliæ Epi- scopus sese Metropolitanum gereret, & alij con- trà repugnarent, dubium nullum est, quin conti- nuò ex Magdalenæ appulsu & Lazari auctoritate ius suum vindicasset? Quid enim quæso aliud efficacius adferre quiuisset, aut validius? Et verò Massiliæ licet nonnihil defuisset splendoris, qui ceteras vrbes in rebus ciuilibus commendat, id prima intra Prouinciam Euangelij acceptio, & Lazari Episcopatus ad cumulum compensassent. Deinde si seriò spectetur Lazarus, quis aliarum
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66 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Now it remains that we conclude this chapter with the words of Tertullian: The ready power of truth loves few things, and against the many things which are necessary for falsehood, it defends few. Whereby, from the very order itself, it is made manifest that what was handed down first is true, but what was later introduced is foreign and false. That opinion will stand against whatever later heresies arise, since they possess no constancy of conscience for defending the truth for themselves. CAPVT V NDECEIMVM. The tradition set forth in the preceding chapter is confirmed by reasons sought from the history of the Church. THE reasons which confirm the tradition concerning Lazarus, Magdalen, and Martha, as set forth above, are of such a kind that, if none of its testimonies were available, they would without doubt establish the matter itself, which is being confirmed, among learned and sensible men. And first, indeed, as regards the year 397, when the Synod of Turin was held, when Proculus, Bishop of Marseilles, was acting as Metropolitan, and others were resisting him, there is no doubt that he would immediately have vindicated his right on the basis of the arrival of Magdalen and the authority of Lazarus? For what else, I ask, could have been brought forward more effectively, or more strongly? And indeed, although Marseilles may have lacked somewhat of that splendor which commends the other cities in civil affairs, its first reception of the Gospel within the Province, and Lazarus’ episcopate, would have made up for that to the full. Then, if Lazarus is seriously considered, who of the other...
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 67 Prouinciæ ciuitatum Episcopus cum eo componi potest? Erit-ne, in quo illustrius miraculum Christus patratit? In quo nobiliorem nostræ Re- surrectionis arrham statuerit? Aut in cuius domo familiarius conuixerit? Has ergo Massiliensis Ca- thedræ prærogariuas, à quibus causæ victoria pendere videbatur, cùm tacuerit Proculus, ma- nifestum indicium est, tunc temporis nondum esse natos, qui Magdalenæ nauem fabricarunt. Deinde, si Lazarus, qui & amicus Christi dictus est, quicque eum tam frequenti hospitio excepit, primus fuit Massiliensium Episcopus, si Magda- lena & Martha tot virtutes & miracula patrarûr, quot ex variis monimentis Guesnæus refert; si tam stupenda fuit illorum in Prouinciam adna- uiogatio; quî fieri potuit, vt primos gentis suæ Apostolos & tales Apostolos ignorassent, aut nul- lo vnquam præconio extulissent Cassianus tot piorum operum scriptor, Saluianus in libris de Prouidentia Dei & Ecclesia, Victor Massiliensis Rhetor, Eucherius Lugdunensis, & Cæsarius Are- latensis multarum de Sanctis Homiliaru[m] scripto- res, aliique tractatores, nec pauci Ecclesiarum magistri, qui de illa, vt loquitur Sidonius, palæstra congregationis eremitidis, ac de Senatu Lirinen- sium Cellulanorum prodierunt? Oblatam sexcen- cies occasionem quis negabit? Hæc autem res cùm Cassiano, Saluiano, Victor, Eucherio, Cæ- sario, & aliis nunquam excidisset, Magdalenæ, Lazari & aliorum è Iudæa in Massiliæ portum enauigationem nunquam contigisse perspicuum est. Tertio, veteres auctores, vt Guesnæus facetur, E ii
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ON MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 67 What bishop of the cities of Provence could be compared with him? Was there in whom Christ wrought a more illustrious miracle? In whom had He established a nobler pledge of our Resurrection? Or in whose house had He lived more familiarly? Therefore these prerogatives of the see of Marseilles, on which the victory of the case seemed to depend, when Proculus was silent, are a manifest indication that at that time those who fabricated Magdalene’s ship had not yet been born. Next, if Lazarus, who is also called the friend of Christ, and whom He received with such frequent hospitality, was the first bishop of the Marseillians; if Magdalene and Martha wrought as many virtues and miracles as Guesnaeus relates from various monuments; if their sailing into Provence was so astonishing; how could it have happened that the first Apostles of their race, and such Apostles, were either unknown to Cassian, writer of so many pious works, to Salvian in his books On the Providence of God and the Church, to Victor of Marseilles the rhetorician, to Eucherius of Lyons, and to Caesarius of Arles, writers of many Homilies on the Saints, and to other treatise writers, and not a few masters of the churches, who, as Sidonius says, came forth from that training-ground of the hermit congregation and from the senate of the cell-dwellers of Lérins? Who will deny that such an opportunity was offered six hundred times over? But since this matter would never have escaped Cassian, Salvian, Victor, Eucherius, Caesarius, and the others, it is clear that the voyage of Magdalene, Lazarus, and the rest from Judaea to the harbor of Marseilles never took place. Thirdly, the ancient authors, as Guesnaeus admits,
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68 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS valde boni, Beda, Vsuardus, Freculphus, & Ado Viennensis siluerunt de Magdalena appulsu, & de aliis rebus benè multis, quæ in Disquisitione recensentur. Sed inter alios Ado, qui Prouinci[us] si- nitimus cùm esset, aduersus illa omnia, silètio suo, vt veritatis compendio de posteritate præscripsit. Iam retulimus, quæ in Martyrologio, & in libel- lo de festiuitatibus Apostolorum, de Magdalena, Martha & Lazaro dixit, vbi horum nauigationem vel aduentum in Prouinciam ne verbo qui- dem attigit, vbi attingendi locus esset amplissi- mus. Inter collectos vndecunque Passionum co- dices, quibus vsùm se esse præfatur, decrant illa Marthæ & Magdalena gesta, quæ postea nescio quis fabulator sub nomine Marcellæ pedissequæ fabricatus est. Quartò, Massiliensis Ecclesia in antiquioribus fastis nullum colit martyrem ante Victorem & so- cios, qui sub Diocletiano Christianam fidem suo sanguine dedicarunt. At fieri quî potuit, vt à sus- cepta religione nouem persecutiones sine vllo il- lustri martyrio effluxerint. Nonne primis illis Ec- clesiæ sæculis vbi plus viguit fides, ibi acerbior persecutio grassata est? Qui hoc ignorat, hospi- tem se in Ecclesiæ rebus atque peregrinum fatea- tur necesse est. Hæc pauca de multis sufficiant, vt planissimum fiat, Magdalena & aliorum in Prouinciam ad- uentum toros à Christo mille annos incognitum fuisse. Ceterum has rationes, quas in Dissertatione ex- posueram, Guesnæus dissimulat, seu quia non ha- bet, quod aptè respondeat, seu quia contrariis,
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68 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS The very good men Bede, Usuardus, Freculphus, and Ado of Vienne were silent about the arrival of Magdalene, and about many other matters, which are set out in the Disquisition. But among others, Ado, who was a very close native of Provence, by his very silence against all those things set forth, as a compendium of truth, attested to posterity. We have already reported what he said in his Martyrology and in the little book on the feasts of the Apostles about Magdalene, Martha, and Lazarus, where he did not so much as mention their voyage or arrival in Provence, though the place for mentioning it was exceedingly ample. Among the collected codices of the Passions from every quarter, which he professes to have used, there were lacking those deeds of Martha and Magdalene which later some fabulist, under the name of Martha’s maidservant Marcella, fabricated. Fourthly, the Church of Marseille in its older calendars venerates no martyr before Victor and his companions, who under Diocletian dedicated the Christian faith with their own blood. But how could it have happened that, from the time the religion was received, nine persecutions passed without any illustrious martyrdom? Was it not in those earliest centuries of the Church, when faith flourished most, that the fiercest persecution raged? Whoever is ignorant of this must confess himself a stranger and an outsider in the affairs of the Church. These few among many points are enough to make it perfectly clear that the arrival of Magdalene and the others in Provence was unknown for a thousand years after Christ. Moreover, these arguments, which I had set forth in the Dissertation, Guesnæus passes over in silence, either because he does not have what he could suitably reply, or because, with opposing arguments,
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 69 vt decet, momentis experiri non potest. Respon- surum verò breui, sed nihil probaturum audio nescio quem de genere Sammaximinensium, hoc est, eorum, qui Carolum II. Siciliæ regis Barci- none Narbonam diuinitiis asportatum mentiti sunt. Sed ei cuiuslibet responsionis loco consuli- mus, vt id sollicitè expendat, quod Damianus præfatur invitam sancti Mauri Cæsenatis Episco- pi: Nonnulli se Deo deferre existimant, si ad defe- renda laudis eius insignia, falsitatis argumenta componant, qui nimirum si egregij Prædicatoris ver- ba diligenter attenderent, talia non sentirent: Ait enim Corinthiis: si Christus non resurrexit, inanis est ergo prædicatio nostra, vana est fides vestra. Inuenimur autem & falsi testes Dei, quoniam testi- monium diximus aduersus Deum, quòd suscitaue- rit Christum, quem non suscitanit. Secundum hæc ergo Apostolica verba falsus testis Dei meritò di- citur, qui indiscretè eum cupiens laudare, menti- tur, & aduersus Deum proculdubio perhibet testi- monium, quisquis in eius laude peruersa molitur arte commentum. Huius proculdubio criminis reus est, quicun- que apud Vincentium Maximini, Magdalenæ & Marthæ gesta scripsit, ex quibus inter cetera quid referam, Christianorum plures, quos Iudæi ve- xauerant, cum Maximino, Martha & Magdalena nauem conscendisse, Trophimum Arelatensem, Paulum Narbonensem, Saturninum Tolosanum, Martialem Lemouicensem, Eutropium Sancto- nensem, Iulianum Cenomanensem, Austregisilum Bituricensem, Gatianum Turonensem, Irenæum Lugdunensem, Ferrucium Vesontionensem, Eu- E iij
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OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLE. 69 as is fitting, cannot be tested by mere assertions. I hear that someone from the Sammaximinian line, that is, of those who falsely claimed that Charles II, king of Sicily, was carried by divine power from Barcelona to Narbonne, will shortly give a reply, but prove nothing. But in the place of any reply, we counsel the reader to weigh carefully what Damian says in his preface to the life of the holy Maurus, bishop of Cēsena: “Some think they are doing God a service if, in order to set forth the insignia of His praise, they compose arguments of falsehood; indeed, if they were to heed carefully the words of the great Preacher, they would not think such things. For he says to the Corinthians: If Christ has not risen, then our preaching is in vain, and your faith is in vain. We are also found to be false witnesses of God, because we testified against God that He raised Christ, whom He did not raise.” According to these Apostolic words, therefore, he is rightly called a false witness of God who, desiring to praise Him indiscreetly, lies, and without doubt bears witness against God whoever attempts, by perverse craft, to invent falsehoods in His praise. He is unquestionably guilty of this crime whoever wrote, in Vincentius Maximinius, the deeds of Magdalena and Martha, from which, among other things, what am I to mention?—that many Christians, whom the Jews had persecuted, sailed with Maximinus, Martha, and Magdalena; that Trophimus of Arles, Paul of Narbonne, Saturninus of Toulouse, Martial of Limoges, Eutropius of Saintes, Julian of Le Mans, Austregisilus of Bourges, Gatianus of Tours, Irenaeus of Lyons, Ferrucius of Besançon, Eu- E iii
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70 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS tropium Arausicum, Frontonem Petragoricensem, Georgium Vellaunensem, Dionysium Parisiensem, cui & in ipsa nauis conscensione tota Gallia commissa est? Quid memorem sanctissimos homines, quos gens immanitate barbara propriis sinibus expulit, omnes in Gallia castellis, villis, vrbibus, amplissimis Ecclesiis & opibus diratos? quid Massiliæ Ducem & eius vxorem, quos Magdalena ad Christi religionem sua prædicatione pellexit, quos ad inuisenda sacra Palæstinæ loca ablegauit? Quid beatum Petrum, qui in medio nauigationis cursu Massiliæ Duci obuiam processit, qui illu[m] de recenti vxoris in puerperio morte solatus est, qui futurum se residui itineris comitem promisit, qui illum in Palæstinam introduxit, & vbi demùm Christus passus, mortuus, & sepultus fuerat, humanissimè ostendit? Quid defunctam Ducis vxorem, quæ Magdalena precibus ad vitam reuocata, non minus, quàm vir illius Dux Massiliæ, sed per aliam omninò viam loca sancta visitatum iuit cum Magdalena? Quid mutuum vir & vxoris super sua peregrinatione colloquiui? Quid dicam de infantulo, qui ad sepultæ matris papillam applicatus sic creuit, vt cùm pater rediret, filiolum cum aliis pueris ludentem inuenerit ad litus maris, vbi mater terræ mandata fuerat? Quid adducam vastantem omnia draconem, qui à Martha in mansuetudinem eruditus, & populo ad transigendum traditus est, à quo deinceps locus, vbi voratrinam exercebat draco, nomen Tharasconis accepit? quid exequias Marthæ, quas Christus & sanctus Fronto psalmodiqvacantes celebrarunt? quid Marcellam Marthæ pedis-
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70 INQUIRY OF THE INQUIRY the tropium of Arausio, Fronton of Périgord, George of Velay, Dionysius of Paris, to whom, even at the moment of embarking on the ship, the whole of Gaul was entrusted? Why should I mention the most holy men, whom that barbarous and savage nation drove from its own borders, all of whom, in Gaul, were stripped of their castles, villas, cities, most splendid churches, and possessions? Why the Duke of Marseille and his wife, whom Magdalene led by her preaching to the religion of Christ, and whom she sent away to visit the holy places of Palestine? Why the blessed Peter, who met the Duke of Marseille in the midst of his voyage, who comforted him over the recent death of his wife in childbirth, who promised to be his companion for the remainder of the journey, who brought him into Palestine, and where at last Christ had suffered, died, and been buried, showed him everything most kindly? Why the Duke's dead wife, who, brought back to life by Magdalene's prayers, went with Magdalene to visit the holy places, no less than her husband, the Duke of Marseille, though by an altogether different route? Why the mutual conversation of husband and wife about their pilgrimage? Why should I speak of the little child, who, applied to the breast of his buried mother, grew so much that, when his father returned, he found his little son playing with other boys on the seashore, where his mother had been laid in the earth? Why should I mention the dragon, ravaging everything, who was taught gentleness by Martha and handed over to the people to be dealt with, and from whom thereafter the place where the dragon used to keep its lair took the name Tarascon? Why the funeral rites of Martha, which Christ and Saint Fronton celebrated while singing psalms? Why Marcella, Martha's foot-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 71 sequam, quæ post dominæ suæ mortem Illyricum perrexit, & ibi per decem annos Euangelium prædicauit, vnde postea corpus eius translatum est Aquas Sextias, & iuxta beatæ Magdalena & Maximini corpora sepultum? Quid denique expromam cetera, auribus animisque absurda, immo nec digna, quæ discutiantur vel risu? CAPVT DVODECIMVM. Guesnæus vulgarem Magdalena historiam defendens nonnihil peccat in Ecclesiam & Prouinciam. EX his, quæ hactenus disquisiuiimus, manifestu[m] est omninò, Guesnæum nonnihil in Ecclesiam & Prouinciam non fortè per se, sed n[on] peccare. Et primùm quidem in Ecclesiam peccat, cùm de Lazaro, Magdalena & Martha veræ traditioni tribuit, quod tribuendum non erat. Quæ enim à quingentis plus minus annis de tribus illis Sanctis inducta sunt in quarundam Ecclesiarum Officia, traditionis nomen non merentur, immo veræ traditionis maiestate damnantur. Neque verò quæcunque opinionis alicuius progressio æui auctoritate se tuetur, sed ea tantùm, quæ quod ab initio posteris traditum est, conseruat. Qua in re oppidò fallitur Guesnæus, qui quodcunque in quibuscunque cuiuslibet Ecclesiæ libris offendit, id citra vllum discrimen illius Ecclesiæ fidei & traditioni continuò adscri- E iiiij
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OF MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 71 the companion who, after the death of her mistress, went on to Illyricum and there for ten years preached the Gospel, whence afterwards her body was brought to Aix, and buried beside the bodies of blessed Magdalene and Maximin? What, finally, shall I set forth about the rest, absurd to ears and minds, indeed not even worthy to be examined except with laughter? CHAPTER TWELVE. Guesnéus, defending the common history of Magdalene, sins somewhat against the Church and Provence. FROM the things which we have hitherto investigated, it is manifest absolutely that Guesnéus sins somewhat against the Church and Provence, perhaps not directly, but not he does err. And first indeed he sins against the Church, when, concerning Lazarus, Magdalene, and Martha, he attributes to true tradition what ought not to have been attributed. For those things which, for more than about five hundred years, have been introduced concerning the three Saints into the Offices of certain Churches do not deserve the name of tradition; rather they are condemned by the majesty of true tradition. Nor indeed does every development of some opinion, by the authority of age, secure itself, but only that which preserves what has been handed down to posterity from the beginning. In this matter Guesnéus is greatly mistaken, for whatever he encounters in the books of whatever Church, he immediately, without any distinction, ascribes to the faith and tradition of that Church.
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72 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS bit, siue primis huius Ecclesiæ documentis conveniat, siue refrageretur. Deinde in Ecclesiam peccat, cùm eandem in subdititiorum Marthæ & Magdalenæ gestoru[m] defensionem oppignerat. quod est profectò Ecclesiæ lucem inobscurare, & maiestatem iis, qui seorsim à nobis per religionem sentiuit, ridendam exponere. Sed siue consilio, siue casu id faciat, peræquè officit Ecclesiæ Dei, quæ semper in Conciliis statuit, vt sacra officia corrigerentur, in quibus quid alienum à veritate reperiretur. Hoc ipsum anno 1551. statuerunt & ipsi Dominicani, quorum nonnullos ille defendit. Sed Guesnæus patienter audiat reformandi Breuiarij causam, quæ à Capitulo generali in præfatione eiusdem Venetiis editi anno 1556. sic exponitur: Quia multis supernacaneis, & apposititiis Missis, & Officiis nunquam per Patres Ordinis comprobatis, & historiis seu gestis Sanctorum apocryphis, & minus nonnunquam verosimilibus scateret. Ob hanc sinceritatem Prædicatores vehementer laudo, vehementiúsque laudarem, si in Officio beatæ Marthæ, non ea tantùm, quæ stupidissimo cuique videbantur ridicula, expunxissent, verùm & cetera, quæ licet minus absurda sint, non minus tamen à vero & antiquis traditionibus abhorrent. Non enim sufficit, vt quæ in Ecclesiasticis Officiis dicuntur, absurda non sint, sed insuper necessarium est, vt veritate nitantur. Quod cùm animaduertissent, qui primi sub Pio V Romanum Breuiarium reformarunt, nihil ex his Marthæ gestis retinendum censuerunt, quamuis sub Paulo III. in compendium redacta.
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72 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS whether it agrees with the earliest documents of this Church, or whether it disagrees. Then he sins against the Church, when he pledges that same Church in defense of the fictitious stories of Martha and Magdalene. For this is indeed to obscure the light of the Church, and to expose her majesty to the ridicule of those who think otherwise from us in matters of religion. But whether he does this deliberately or by chance, he equally harms the Church of God, which has always decreed in Councils that the sacred offices should be corrected wherever anything alien to the truth was found. This very thing, in the year 1551, was decreed by the Dominicans themselves, some of whom that man defends. But let Guesnæus patiently hear the reason for reforming the Breviary, which is explained in the preface to the same work published at Venice in the year 1556: Because it abounded with many superfluous and appended Masses and Offices never approved by the Fathers of the Order, and with apocryphal histories or acts of the Saints, and sometimes even less than believable ones. For this sincerity I greatly praise the Preachers, and I would praise them even more greatly if, in the Office of blessed Martha, they had struck out not only those things which seemed ridiculous to anyone most foolish, but also the other things which, though less absurd, nevertheless no less depart from the truth and from ancient traditions. For it is not enough that the things said in ecclesiastical offices should not be absurd; it is furthermore necessary that they be supported by truth. And when those who first, under Pius V, reformed the Roman Breviary had noticed this, they judged that nothing from these acts of Martha should be retained, although under Paul III they had been reduced to a compendium.
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 73 minùs fabulosa viderentur. At si Correctoribus illis laus detur, quòd, vt ait Pius, incerta & aliena remouerint, alij commendari nequeunt, qui sublata illa è Breuiario gesta non multo pòst tempore restituerunt. Denique Guesnæus in Prouinciam peccat, cùm illam à fabulosis quibusdam historiis commendat. Si enim Prouincia laudanda est, ex veris non ex falsis laudanda est. Et verò licèt hîc de laudibus Prouinciæ locus agendi non sit, dicam tamen, eam habere Christianæ religionis ornamenta, quæ nulli Galliarum nationi conueniant. Quid referam Concilium Arelatése primum, quo secundum æcumenica nullum est illustrius? Quid alia Arelatensia, quid Carpenteractense, quid Vasensia, quid Arausicana Concilia, quorum canones, vt diuina oracula ad cereras Prouincias manarunt? Quid memorem Victorem Massiliensium martyrum decus, quid Cassianu[m], quid Saluianum, & Honoratum Massilienses Episcopos? Quid recensebo Marinum Arelatensem, Herotam, Hilarium, Cæsarium, Auxanium, & alios, quibus Romani Pontifices suas identidem in Galliis vices delegarunt? Quid dicam de plana Insula, quæ Episcoporum Galliæ seminarium fuit amplissimum, quæque tandem innumerabiles montes ad cælum misit? Ex his igitur comparanda est Prouinciæ Panegyris, non ex fabulis, quas de nostris Sanctis obscuri nugatores in exitium veritatis & priscæ traditionis inuexerunt. Huic operi vacasset Guesnæus, si citiùs arti oratoriæ, quàm veteratoriæ locum in Disquisitione sua dedisset. Ego verum amo, ait ille, verum nolo mihi dici, mendacemodi.
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OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 73 less fabulous they would seem. But if praise is due to those Correctors, because, as Pius says, they removed what was uncertain and foreign, others cannot be praised, who, after those things were taken away from the Breviary, restored the deeds not long afterward. Finally, Guesnaeus sins against Provence when he commends it on account of certain fabulous histories. For if Provence is to be praised, it must be praised from true things, not from false ones. And indeed, although this is not the place to speak of the praises of Provence, I shall nevertheless say that it possesses ornaments of the Christian religion such as no nation of Gaul may claim. Why should I mention the first Council of Arles, after the second ecumenical council there is none more illustrious? Why the other Councils of Arles, why those of Carpentras, Vaison, and Orange, whose canons, like divine oracles, spread to the rest of the provinces? Why should I recall Victor, the glory of the martyrs of Marseilles; Cassian; Salvianus; and Honoratus, Bishops of Marseilles? Why should I enumerate Marinus of Arles, Herotus, Hilary, Caesarius, Auxanius, and others, to whom the Roman Pontiffs repeatedly delegated their authority in Gaul? What shall I say of the island of Lérins, which was a very great seminary of the bishops of Gaul, and which at length sent countless men to heaven? From these things, then, must the panegyric of Provence be composed, not from fables which obscure scribblers have introduced about our Saints to the destruction of truth and ancient tradition. Guesnaeus would have devoted himself to this work, had he given more place to the art of rhetoric than to trickery in his Inquiry. “I love the truth,” says he; “I do not want the truth to be told to me, you liar.”
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CAPVT VLTIMVM. De antiquitate Christiana Galliæ Guesnaus discat ex suis auctoribus, iisque illustrioribus sapere, vel rumpatur. Tres sunt ex suis nobilissimi scriptores, Bellarminus, Petauius, Sirmondus, quorum studio dedere se debuit Ioannes Baptista Guesnay, cùm de antiquitate susceptæ in Prouincia & aliis Galliæ partibus fidei disseruit. Nunc operæ pretium duco, illorum testimonia breuiter referre, vt ex iis accuratè perpensis videat, quantum ab iudiciosorum hominum sententia distet, tum sapiat in posterum, vel rumpatur. Robertus igitur Bellarminus Cardinalis in lib. de Ecclesiasticis scriptoribus, vbi Martialis epistolas examinat, sic de tempore susceptæ apud Gallofidei sentit: Sextò, inquit, in epistola eadem (secunda) cap. 8. dicit Valeriam quandam in ipsa Gallia martyrio coronatam. Id verò repugnat Sulpitio libro 2. sacra Historia, & Gregorio Turonico lib. 1. cap. 28. Historiæ Francorum, qui scribunt, temporibus M. Antonini primu[m] intra Gallias martyria visa. Hæc ille, qui quanquam in hoc auctore nonnulla cauenda notauit, summam tamen illi fidem habuit in iis, quæ ad Gallicanæ religionis incunabula, & prima nostrorum martyria spectant. Tantum abest, vt Seuerum reiiciat iudicio recentiorum scriptorum, quos ætas & scientia à fe-
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CHAPTER THE LAST. Let Guesnay learn from his own authors, and those the more distinguished, about the antiquity of Christian Gaul, or let him be confounded. There are three of his most noble writers, Bellarmine, Petavius, and Sirmondus, whose study John Baptist Guesnay ought to have devoted himself to, when he discoursed on the antiquity of the faith received in Provence and other parts of Gaul. I now think it worthwhile briefly to set forth their testimonies, so that, after carefully weighing them, he may see how far he differs from the judgment of reasonable men; then let him be wise hereafter, or let him be confounded. Robert Cardinal Bellarmine, therefore, in the book De Ecclesiasticis Scriptoribus, where he examines the epistles of Martial, thus judges concerning the time when the faith was received among the Gauls: “In the sixth place,” he says, “in the same epistle (the second), chapter 8, he says that a certain Valeria was crowned with martyrdom in Gaul itself. But this conflicts with Sulpicius, book 2 of the Sacred History, and Gregory of Tours, book 1, chapter 28 of the History of the Franks, who write that in the time of Marcus Antoninus the first martyrdoms were seen within Gaul.” So much he, who, although in this author he noted certain things to be avoided, nevertheless placed full trust in him in those matters which concern the cradle of Gallican religion and the first martyrdoms of our people. So far was he from rejecting Severus on the judgment of more recent writers, whom age and learning have re-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 75 rendo contra ipsum testimonio legitimè prohibent. Quæ enim lex permittit, vt vnius aut alterius diei infans aduersus maturioris ætatis hominem testimonium ferat? Deinde non excurrit in omnes Gregorij Turonici libros, vt inde quibusdam animaduersis in serie temporum vel in expositione rerum gestarum erroribus, statim concludat, Gregorium non apprimè nouisse, quæ fuerit prima Gallicanorum martyrum epocha, & sic fidem tribuat epistolæ, quæ nullam meretur. Intelligebat quippe vir prudens, hunc laborem decisioni propositæ quæstionis non inurilem modò, sed & rem pessimi exempli esse, si ad Theologico- rum dogmatum tractationem transferatur, vti transferri facilè potest. Istud significauimus in Discussione Responsionis ad Dissertationem de duobus Dionysiis cap. 4. num. 2. sed de hoc pestilentissimæ scriptionis genere, quod monachi quidam in exitium antiquitatis inuehunt, fortassis aliquando recurrer differendi locus. Dionysius Petauius idem cum Bellarmino sentit lib. 5. cap. 9. partis primæ Rationarij temporum, quod Pariliis non semel editum est: Ani- ceto, inquit, subrogatus est Eleutherus anno circiter M. Aurelij 17. quado in Galliis ferali Imperatorum edicto, Christiani complures occisi sunt: inter quos Lugdunenses martyres excelluerunt, præsertim Pho- tinus Episcopus, Attalus, Alexander Medicus, Blandina. Ac tum primùm (ait Senerus) intra Gallias martyria visa. seriùs trans Alpes Dei reli- gione suscepta. Idem infrà cap. 13. Eodem impe- rante Decio, eiusque anno primo, vel secundo, Chri- sti 250. hoc est, Decio & Grato Consulibus, ait
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OF MAGDALENA OF MARSEILLES. 75 they lawfully forbid testimony against him. For what law allows that an infant of one day or another should bear witness against a man of more mature age? Then he does not go through all the books of Gregory of Tours, so that, after noting certain errors in the sequence of times or in the exposition of events, he should at once conclude that Gregory did not know very well what was the first era of the Gallic martyrs, and thus give credence to a letter that deserves none. For that prudent man understood that this labor was not only useless for the decision of the proposed question, but also a matter of the worst example, if it be transferred to the treatment of theological dogmas, as it can easily be transferred. This we indicated in the Discussion of the Response to the Dissertation on the two Dionysii, chap. 4, no. 2; but of this most pestilential kind of writing, which certain monks introduce to the ruin of antiquity, perhaps at some time there will be occasion to return and speak further. Dionysius Petavius holds the same view as Bellarmine, book 5, chap. 9, of the first part of the Rational of Times, which has been published more than once at Paris: “Eleutherus,” he says, was substituted for Anicetus in about the 17th year of Marcus Aurelius, when in Gaul, by the fatal edict of the emperors, many Christians were killed: among whom the martyrs of Lyons stood out, especially Bishop Photinus, Attalus, Alexander the physician, and Blandina. And then for the first time (says Senerus) martyrdoms were seen within Gaul. The religion of God was received beyond the Alps later. The same below, chap. 13. In the same emperor Decius, and in his first or second year, A.D. 250, that is, with Decius and Gratus being consuls, he says
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76 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Gregorius Turonensis sanctum Saturninum Tolo- sa Episcopatum inuisse, cum eóque missos esse Ga- rianum Turonorum, Dionysium Parisiensium Epi- scopum. Hæc ille, in cuius Rationario de vin- dicatis à Guesnxo otiosorum hominum com- mentis reperies nihil. Non quòd ea vir doctissi- mus ignorarit, sed quòd nulla vel mentione vel refutatione digna iudicarit. Deinde suo etiam si- lentio, quod hac in re eloquentissimum est, præ- terit, quicquid Milletimonachi vindices in Seue- rum deblaterant, vt destructa veritate, ædifi- cent ea, quæ obscuri homines ex falso composue- runt, vel qui de ambiguitate coeperunt. Tertullia- ni verba sunt, quibus non multum dissimilis quoad hoc ingenij scriptores insectatur. Iacobus Sirmondus in Dissert. de duob. Dion. idem cum aliis & sentit & probat: Grauem, in- quit, & manifestum contra se testem habent, qui Dionysium Parisiensem ab Areopagita non distin- guunt, Sulpicium Seuerum rerum nostrarum aucto- rem peritissimum, nec sine causa, vt hoc telum ex- cutiant, nervos omnes, sed frustra contendunt. Di- sertis enim verbis Seuerus lib. 2. sacra historia per- secutionem illam commemorans, quæ Antonini Veri temporibus Lugdunensem Ecclesiam, & Viennen- sem duodequinquaginta martyrum sanguine illu- strauit, martyres ante id tempus in Gallia nul- los fuisse testatus est: sub Aurelio, inquit, Anto- nini filio persecutio quinta agitata, ac tum primùm intra Gallias martyria visa, seriùs trans Alpes Dei religione suscepta. Lugulum his verbis suæ causæ peti sentiunt Areopagitici. Nam si martyres Gallia M. Aurelio antiquiores nullos habuit, & Dionysium
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76 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS Gregorius Turonensis says that Saint Saturninus occupied the bishopric of Toulouse, and that with him were sent Garanus, bishop of the Turones, and Dionysius, bishop of the Parisians. Such is his statement; in whose Rationarium you will find nothing concerning the claims of those idle men from Guesnxo. Not because that most learned man was ignorant of them, but because he judged them worthy of neither mention nor refutation. Then, by his very silence too, which in this matter is most eloquent, he passes over whatever the defenders of Milletimonachi declaim against Severus, so that, with truth destroyed, they may build up those things which obscure men have composed from falsehood, or which they began from ambiguity. These are Tertullian’s words, with which writers not very unlike in this respect he censures for their ingenuity. Jacobus Sirmondus, in his Dissertation on the two Dionysii, thinks and proves the same thing as the others. “They have,” he says, “a grave and manifest witness against themselves, namely Sulpicius Severus, most skilled author of our history, and not without reason; yet to shake off this weapon, they strain every nerve, but in vain. For in plain words Severus, in book 2 of the Sacred History, recounting that persecution which, in the time of Antoninus Verus, illumined the Church of Lyons and Vienne with the blood of fifty-eight martyrs, testified that before that time there had been no martyrs in Gaul: ‘Under Aurelius,’ he says, ‘the son of Antoninus, the fifth persecution was carried on, and then for the first time martyrs were seen within Gaul, the religion of God having been received beyond the Alps only later.’” The Areopagitics feel that by these words the neck of their cause is struck. For if Gaul had no martyrs earlier than Marcus Aurelius, and Dionysius
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 77 Parisiensem in Gallia passum nemo nescit, liquet profectò diuersum ac posteriorem Areopagita fuisse. & post alia: Aterrare, inquiunt, Seuerum, falli ue certum est, dum primos Galliæ martyres sub M. Antonino, & seriùs apud nos susceptam Christi fidem putat, cùm ab ipsis Ecclesiæ incunabulis & Episcopos & martyres in Gallia, eósqve vel Apostolorum vel Christi ipsius discipulos extitisse compertum sit, apud Remos Sixtum, apud Senonas Sabinianum & Potentianum, Crescentem Viennæ, Paxlum Narbonæ, Trophimum Arelate, Martialem apud Lemonicas, aliis in locis alios, ante omnes verò Massiliæ cum Magdalena Lazarum & Maximimum, in quo quidem quod fucum nobis in hac enumeratione facere nitantur, non queror. Quippe qui cùm in omni iudicio testes, de quibus conueniat, proferri debere non ignorent, eos obtrudant, de quibus non minor est, quàm de Dionysio ipso controuersia. & post alia: De Maria porro Magdalena quiddoces? Sub annum Christi 35. imperante Tiberio Massilienses, inquis, orientem Christianæ fidei solem in Lazaro suo deinde Episcopo, Aquenses in Maximino, & circumiectæ gentes in utroque suspexerunt susceperúnique. Hoc verò iam non contra vos tantùm scribitis: sed ni fallor contra literas sacras. Nam si anno Christi 35. Massiliensibus Euangelium, vt vobis placet, promulgatum est, quî potest verum videri, quod sexto minimum pòst anno primitias fidei gentium in Cornelio dedicatas ex Apostolica historia didicimus? Si Massilienses ad Christi fidem iam vocatos sciebat Petrus (ignorare enim potuisse opinor, non dices) cur vt Cæsareum ad Cornelium pergeret, dixino viso, ac respon-
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ON MARY MAGDALENE OF MARSEILLES. 77 Everyone knows that the man who suffered in Gaul was the Parisian; it is clear, therefore, that he was different from, and later than, the Areopagite. And elsewhere: “Severus is certainly deceived, or is deceiving others, when he thinks that the first martyrs of Gaul under Marcus Antoninus, and the Christian faith received among us only later, whereas it is established that from the very cradle of the Church there were both bishops and martyrs in Gaul, and that they were either disciples of the Apostles or of Christ himself: at Rheims Sixtus, at Sens Sabinian and Potentian, at Vienne Crescent, at Narbonne Paul, at Arles Trophimus, at Limoges Martial, in other places others, and above all at Marseilles Lazarus and Maximin with Magdalene.” In this indeed, that they try to impose on us a trick in this enumeration, I do not complain. For since in every judgment they know that witnesses, about whom there is agreement, ought to be produced, they thrust upon us those about whom there is no less controversy than about Dionysius himself. And elsewhere: “What, moreover, do you say about Mary Magdalene? In the year of Christ 35, under Tiberius, the Marseillais, you say, beheld the rising sun of the Christian faith in their Lazarus, later their bishop; the people of Aix in Maximin; and the neighboring nations in both received and embraced it. But this now is written not merely against you: unless I am mistaken, it is against the sacred writings as well. For if in the year of Christ 35 the Gospel was proclaimed to the people of Marseilles, as you please, how can it seem true that we learn from the apostolic history that the first fruits of the faith among the Gentiles were dedicated to Cornelius at the very least six years later? If Peter already knew that the people of Marseilles had been called to the faith of Christ (for I think you will not say that he could have been ignorant of it), why, after seeing the divine vision, and respon-
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78 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS so excitandus & animandus fuit? Si ante Corne- lium concessa Nationibus fuerat hæc gratia, cur Discipulos Christi, post Stephani lapidationem dis- persos, auctor est Lucas diuersas prouincias perambulasse, nemini loquentes verbum, nisi solis Iudæis. Post Corneli[us] verò baptismum, quasi patefacto ad gen- tium conversionem ostio, datéque signo, Antiochiam introisse, Christumque gentibus annuntiasse? Vide quæ te in salebras impugnandi Seueri studium im- pulerit. Et tamen fabulæ coronidem imponere non dubitas: ita traditio Ecclesiæ Gallicanæ. Apage mi- hi fictitias traditiones istas, quæ nisi subversis literis sacris defendi non possint. Quantò consultiùs erat si Seueri assertioni fides quærebatur, omissis ambi- quis friuolisque narrationibus, veterum Ecclesi- rum, in quibus martyriorum erecta sunt tropbæa, scrinia excutere, Annales & Calendaria euoluere, atque in his quo quemque anno, quo principe passum notent, obseruare. & cetera, quibus vir cùm in aliis, tum in his quoque studiis versatissimus Se- ueri auctoritatem confirmat. At certè Sirmondi schola si Guesnæum aluisset, nunc fabulosissimo post hominum memoriam libro Christianus or- bis vtilissimè careret: Ergo Guesnæus, si velit, novum commentarium edat in illud scripturæ: In ore duorum aut trium stat omne verbum, & re- fluas auctorum omnium in hunc titulum senten- tias libro complectatur. Tribus istis auctoribus duos adiungo extrà quàm eruditos, qui in hac materia facem aliis prærulerunt: Vnus est Nicolaus Faber Ludouici XIII. Præceptor, in schediasmate de beato Dio- nysio: Beatum Dionysium Episcopum Parisensem
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78 DISQVISITIO DISQVISITIONIS So was he to be excited and encouraged? If this grace had been granted to the nations before Cornelius, why does Luke say that the disciples of Christ, scattered after the stoning of Stephen, traveled through various provinces, speaking the word to no one except the Jews alone? But after Cornelius’ baptism, as if the door to the conversion of the Gentiles had been opened and the sign given, he says that they entered Antioch and proclaimed Christ to the Gentiles? See what compelled you into the rough ground of attacking Severus’ zeal. And yet you do not hesitate to crown the fable: so says the tradition of the Gallican Church. Away with these fictitious traditions of mine, which cannot be defended unless the sacred writings are overturned. How much more prudent it would have been, if belief were sought for Severus’ assertion, to set aside ambiguous and trivial stories and examine the records of the ancient Churches, in which the trophies of martyrs have been raised, to search through the archives, to turn over the Annals and Calendars, and to observe in them under which year and under which prince each one suffered. And so on, by which means the man, most experienced in these studies as well as in others, confirms Severus’ authority. But surely if the school of Sirmond had nurtured Guesnæus, the Christian world would now, to its great benefit, be without the most fabulous book produced since the memory of man. Therefore let Guesnæus, if he wishes, publish a new commentary on that scriptural text: In the mouth of two or three every word stands, and let him gather into one book the floating opinions of all the authors on this title. To these three authors I add two others, no less learned, who in this matter carried the torch before others: one is Nicolas Faber, tutor of Louis XIII, in a sketch on Blessed Dionysius: Blessed Dionysius, Bishop of Paris
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 79 eundem fuisse, qui in Areapago à beato Paulo Apostolo cum vxore ad Christi fidem conuersus est, nemo ante Caroli Magni tempora & Ludouici Imperatoris eius filij, scriptis, quæ ad nos peruenerint, asseruit. Immo verò omnes contrà senserunt. Senerus Sulpitius non ille Bituricensis Archiepiscopus, qui Sulpicus Seuerus vocatus est, vixitque circa annum Domini 587. sed Primuliacensis Presbyter beati Martini Discipulus, cuius etiam vitam elegantissimè descripsit, & circa annum Christi 400. floruit, testis est, persecutione demum quinta martyria in Galliis visa fuisse, seriùs trans Alpes Dei religione suscepta. & post alia: Gregorius Turonensis Episcopus diligentissimus historiæ nostræ scriptor & antiquissimus ex historia martyrij sancti Saturnini tradit, Dionysium Episcopum Parisiensem venisse in Gallias Decio secundùm & Grato Coss. Lutetiæque Episcopum factum, grauissimis vexatum suppliciis, gladio vitam finiuisse. Hæc ille vir omni commendatione maior. Alter est Pithæus vir quoque clarissimus in præfatione ad Saluianum: Quid est, quælo, quod Gallia ceteris Orbis regionibus inuideant? Scripserit vtique Sulpitius trans Alpes Dei religionem seriùs visam. Ecclesiarum tamen in Celtis apud Irenæum mentio, atque ille ipse iam noster factus Irenæus, & V etij & Epagathi, martyrumque Lugdunensium celebratissimæ etiam apud Græcos memoriæ, quos iam tunc progressus sacrosancta fides apud nos fecisset, satis ostendunt. Hæc ille, in quibus Seuero Irenæum non opponit, quasi de temporibus susceptæ intra Gallias religionis dissenserint inter se, sed potiùs docet tardiorem religionis prædi-
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DE MAGDALENA MASSILIENSI. 79 that it was the same man who in the Areopagus, together with his wife, was converted by the blessed Apostle Paul to the faith of Christ, no one before the times of Charles the Great and of Louis his son the Emperor has asserted in the writings that have come down to us. Indeed, all thought otherwise. Severus Sulpicius—not that Archbishop of Bourges who was called Sulpicius Severus and lived about the year of the Lord 587, but the priest of Primuliac, disciple of blessed Martin, whose life he also wrote most elegantly, and who flourished about the year of Christ 400—bears witness that at length, in the fifth persecution, martyrdoms were seen in Gaul, religion having been received beyond the Alps later. And after other things: Gregory, Bishop of Tours, the most diligent writer of our history and the most ancient, from the history of the martyrdom of Saint Saturninus, relates that Dionysius, Bishop of Paris, came into Gaul in the consulship of Decius the second and Gratus, and that, having been made bishop at Lutetia and tormented by the severest punishments, he ended his life by the sword. These are the words of that man greater than any praise. Another is Pithou, a very distinguished man as well, in the preface to Salvianus: What is it, I ask, that Gaul should envy the other regions of the world? Surely Sulpicius wrote that the religion of God was seen beyond the Alps only later. Yet the mention of churches among the Celts in Irenaeus, and that Irenaeus himself, now already become one of ours, and the very famous memory even among the Greeks of Vetius and Epagathus and the martyrs of Lyons, whom by then that sacred faith had brought forth among us, sufficiently show it. These are his words, in which he does not set Irenaeus against Severus, as though they had differed among themselves about the times when religion was first received within Gaul, but rather teaches the later arrival of religion
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80 DISQVIS. DISQVIS. DE MAGD. MASS. cationem, multitudine conuersorum & martyrum splendore compensatam fuisse. Hoc eo consilio scripsisse Pithæum apparet, tum quia Lugdunensibus martyribus antiquiorem nullum laudat, cùm tamen satis nouerit nonnullos potuisse laudari, sed quoru[m] epocham falsam vel incertam reputabar; tum etiam quia Lugdunensium martyrú memoriam inter Græcos celebratam ait. Hæc dicta sint de Christiana Galliæ antiquitate, quam quinque illi viri in paucis nominatissimi dedita opera ex Seuero & Gregorio asseruerunt, & sua auctoritate præscripserunt aduersus quosdam malè feriatos, qui Seueri & Gregorij hominum de Ecclesia benè meritorum historias modò ad vastitatem vocare meditantur. Sed missis iis, qui in persona Seueri & Gregorij sanctos Patres à ferendo de re qualibet testimonio prohibendi methodum conficiunt, Guesnæus solum audiat Lactantium lib. 2. Institutionum cap. 20. Quis nesciat, plus esse momenti in paucioribus doctis, quàm in pluribus imperitis? FINIS.
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80 INQUIRIES. INQUIRIES. ON MAGD. MASS. the Church of the spread of Christianity in Gaul, which he shows to have been compensated for by the multitude of converts and martyrs by its splendor. It is evident that Pithæus wrote this with that purpose, both because he praises no one older than the martyrs of Lyons, although he well knew that some could be praised, but whose epoch was regarded as false or uncertain; and also because he says that the memory of the martyrs of Lyons was celebrated among the Greeks. Let these things be said concerning the Christian antiquity of Gaul, which those five most renowned men in a few words deliberately defended from Severus and Gregory, and by their authority laid down against certain ill-tempered men, who now are devising to call to destruction only the histories of Severus and Gregory, men who have well deserved of the Church. But setting aside those who, in the person of Severus and Gregory, devise a method for preventing holy Fathers from bearing testimony on any matter whatsoever, let Guesnaeus listen only to Lactantius, book 2 of the Institutions, chapter 20. Who does not know that there is greater weight in a few learned men than in many ignorant ones? FINIS.
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MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS MONUMENTA. 1. LVCIVS Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei dilectis filiis G. Abbati, & Fratribus Vizeliacensibus salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Fratres nostri Episcopi & Cardinales nos suppliciter & deuotè ro- garunt, vt Monasterium vestrum pro reverentiæ beatæ MARIAE MAGDALENÆ, CVIVS IBI CORPVS QVIESCIT, largitionis nostræ stude- remus munere decorare, vt ex hoc magis apud homi- nes celebre fieret, & maioris venerationis in poste- rum haberetur. Vt igitur de largitione gratiæ Apo- stolicæ Sedis valeat ampliùs gloriari, & in maiori apud homines veneratione haberi, tibi fili Abbas, tuisque successoribus, vsum mitræ de consueta beni- gnitate Apostolicæ Sedis concedimus, & vtea in præ- cipuis solemnitatibus, & processionibus Monasterij, in Conciliis Romanorum Pontificum, in Consessu Epi- scoporum, & mortuorum exequiis liberè vti possitis, clementiùs indulgemus. Datum Laterani Id. Ian- nuary. Lucius II. moritur 1189. Ordo verò Præ- dicatorum instituitur 1204. & 1216. approbatur. 2. Urbanus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, dile- ctis filiis Abbati & Conuentui sanctæ Mariæ Mag- dalena Vizeliacensis, salutem, & Apostolicam bene- dictionem. Ad Ecclesiastici decoris augmentum in- signia reperta sunt dignitatum, quæ Sacrosancta Ro- mana Ecclesia congrua in singulos liberalitate distri- buit, & deuotis filiis, prout dignum indicat, susci- pienda pariter, & obtinenda concedit, unde nos pro F
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MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS MONUMENTA. 1. Lucius, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved sons G., abbot, and the brothers of Vézelay, greeting and apostolic blessing. Our brothers the bishops and cardinals have humbly and devoutly requested us that we should be pleased to adorn your monastery with the gift of our bounty, out of reverence for the blessed Mary Magdalene, whose body rests there, so that it might thereby become more renowned among men and be held in greater veneration hereafter. Therefore, that it may be able to glory even more in the largesse of the Apostolic See, and be held in greater veneration among men, we grant to you, son Abbot, and to your successors, by the accustomed kindness of the Apostolic See, the use of the mitre, and we more graciously permit you to use it freely on the principal solemnities and processions of the monastery, in the councils of the Roman pontiffs, in the assembly of bishops, and at the funerals of the dead. Given at the Lateran, on the Ides of January. Lucius II dies in 1189. The Order of Preachers is founded in 1204 and approved in 1216. 2. Urban, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his beloved sons, the abbot and convent of Saint Mary Magdalene of Vézelay, greeting and apostolic blessing. For the increase of ecclesiastical dignity, emblems of dignities have been devised, which the most holy Roman Church distributes with fitting liberality to each, and grants to devout sons, as is deemed proper, both to receive and to hold; wherefore we, on account of...
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82 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS reuerenita beatæ MARIÆ MAGDALENÆ, CVIVS SACRVM CORPVS IN VESTRA ECCLESIA RE- QVIESCIT, & vestræ deuotionis merito prouocati vsum mitræ, chirothecarum & annuli, tibi fili Ab- bas, iuisque successoribus indulgemus, & auctorita- te Apostolica confirmamus. Nulli ergo, &c. Datum Verone 3. Non. Iulij. 3. Clemens Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei Girar- do, & Conuentui Vizeliacensi Salutem, & Aposto- licam benedictionem. Ad Ecclesiastici decoris au- gmentum insignia reperta sunt dignitatum, quæ Sa- crosancta Romana Ecclesia congrua in singulos libe- ralitate distribuit, & deuotis filiis, prout dignum in- dicat, suscipiendapariter, & obtinenda concedit; un- de nos pro reuerentia beatæ MARIÆ MAGDALE- NÆ, CVIVS SACRVM CORPVS IN VESTRA EC- CLESIA REQVIESCIT, & vestræ deuotionis merito prouocati, vsum sandaliorum, tibi fili Abbas, tuis- que successoribus infra tuas Ecclesias indulgemus, & auctoritate Apostolica confirmamus. Nulli ergo, &c. Datum Pisis 15. Calend. Februarij indictione 6. 4. Innocentius tertius lib.1. Epistolarum Decre- talium Epistola ad Gerardum Abbatem Vizelia- censem: Liceat insuper, sicut à benignitate Sedis Apostolica instantiùs postulastis, vt tam in solemni- tate, quàm in TRANSLATIONE BEATÆ MARIÆ MAGDALENÆ infra quadragesimam annis singulis celebratis, ad gloriam Dei, & laudem, ob solemni- tatis ipsius reuerentiam, Gloria in excelsis Deo, ad Missas de festinitate ipsius in Monasteriis vestris solemniter decantatis. Nulli ergo, &c. Datum apud sanctum Petrum. Innocentius Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei di-
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82 MAGDALENE OF VÉZELAY veneration of the blessed MARY MAGDALENE, WHOSE SACRED BODY RESTS IN YOUR CHURCH, and, moved by the merit of your devotion, we grant to you, son Abbot, and to your successors the use of the mitre, gloves, and ring, and by apostolic authority confirm it. Let no one, therefore, etc. Given at Verona, on the 3rd day before the Nones of July. 3. Clement, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Gerard and the Convent of Vézelay, greeting and apostolic blessing. For the increase of ecclesiastical dignity, insignia of dignities have been devised, which Holy Roman Church distributes with fitting liberality to individuals, and grants to devout sons, as it judges fitting, to receive and to possess; wherefore we, for the veneration of the blessed MARY MAGDALENE, WHOSE SACRED BODY RESTS IN YOUR CHURCH, and moved by the merit of your devotion, grant the use of sandals to you, son Abbot, and to your successors within your churches, and confirm it by apostolic authority. Let no one, therefore, etc. Given at Pisa, on the 15th day before the Calends of February, in the 6th indiction. 4. Innocent III, book 1 of the Letters of the Decretals, letter to Gerard, Abbot of Vézelay: Moreover, as you have earnestly requested from the kindness of the Apostolic See, it is permitted that both on the solemnity and on the TRANSLATION OF BLESSED MARY MAGDALENE, celebrated each year within Lent, for the glory and praise of God and in reverence for the solemnity itself, the Gloria in excelsis Deo be solemnly sung at the Masses of that feast in your monasteries. Let no one, therefore, etc. Given at Saint Peter's. Innocent, bishop, servant of the servants of God, di-
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MONUMENTA. 83 lectis filiis Abbati, & Conuentui Vizeliacensi salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Licet is, de cuius munere venit, vt sibi à fidelibus suis dignè ac laudabiliter seruiatur, multò eis maiora retribuat, quàm valeant promereri, desiderantes tamen reddere Domino populum acceptabilem, ipsos ad benè seruendum ei, quasi quibusdam illectiuis muneribus, Indulgetiis scilicet, & Remissionibus inuitamus. Cupientes igitur, vt Monasterium vestrum, vbi venerandum CORPVS BEATÆ MARIAE MAGDALENÆ INNVENERIS CORVSCANS MIRACVLIS sub celebri custodia venerabiliter conservatur, congruis debeat honoribus frequentari, omnibus verè poenitentibus, & confessis, qui ad Monasterium ipsum in solemnitate ipsius sanctissimæ Domina, ac octo diebus sequenti- bus causa deuotionis accesserint annuatim, de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum eius auctoritate confisi, quadraginta dies de iniuncta eis poenitentia annis singulis misericorditer relaxamus. Datum apud S. Stephanum nonis Nouembris Pontificatus nostri anno 2. Vniuersis Christi fidelibus, quibus præsentes literas videre contigerit, Ingo Decanus, totumque Lutosensis Ecclesiæ Capitulum, & vniuersus eiusdem loci Conuentus perpetuam in Domino salutem. Præsentium testimonio notum facimus vniuersis, quòd os illud, quod per venerabilem Patrem Dominum nostrum Godefridum, Dei gratia Cameracensem Episcopum, Abbati & Conuentui Vizeliacensis Ecclesiæ, ad instantiam ipsius & preces transmisimus, extat sine dubio de reliquiis beati Badilonis, quondam Ecclesiæ nostræ Abbatis, qui etiam venerandum corpus beata Maria Magdalena in Ecclesia Vizeliacensi F ij
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MONUMENTA. 83 to the beloved sons, the Abbot and Convent of Vézelay, health and Apostolic blessing. Although He from whose gift it comes that He is served worthily and commendably by His faithful, rewards them far more than they can deserve, yet desiring to render to the Lord a people acceptable, we invite them to serve Him well, as it were by certain enticing gifts, namely Indulgences and Remissions. Desiring therefore that your Monastery, where the venerable BODY OF THE BLESSED MARY MAGDALENE, SHINING WITH MIRACLES, is reverently preserved under celebrated custody, ought to be frequented with fitting honors, to all truly penitent and confessed persons who shall annually resort to that Monastery on the feast of its most holy Lady and during the eight following days for the sake of devotion, relying on the mercy of almighty God and the authority of His blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, we mercifully remit forty days of the penance enjoined upon them each year. Given at Saint Stephen's, on the Nones of November, in the second year of our pontificate. To all the faithful of Christ, to whom it shall happen to see the present letters, Ingo, Dean, and the whole Chapter of the Church of Lutos, and the entire Convent of that place, eternal health in the Lord. By the testimony of the present document we make it known to all that the bone, which, by the venerable Father our lord Godefrid, Bishop of Cambrai by the grace of God, we transmitted to the Abbot and Convent of the Church of Vézelay at his request and entreaty, undoubtedly belongs to the relics of blessed Badilo, formerly Abbot of our Church, who also [belonged to] the venerable body of blessed Mary Magdalene in the Church of Vézelay F ij
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84 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS quondam dicitur attulisse. Nos ad maiorem rei certitudinem fecimus os præfatum memorati Confesso- ris in loco quodam mundo sub sigillo nostro firmuer intercludi, & præsentes literas eiusdem sigilli impressione muniri. Actum in Ecclesia Lutosensi anno Dominicæ Incarnationis 1221. Calend. Iunij. Vniuersis presentes literas inspecturis Guido de Melloto diuina miseratione Antisiodorensis, & Pe- trus eiusdem miseratione Paneadensis Episcopi salutem in Domino. Cùm publicè diceretur, & ferè ab omnibus Christi fidelibus notitiam loci Vizeliacensis habentibus crederetur, quòd corpus gloriosissimæ Maria Magdalena requiesceret in Monasterio Vizeliacensi, quidam tamen, an ibi requiesceret, hasitarent, religiosi viri Ioannes humilis Abbas ac Conuentus monasterij eiusdem pro firmo tenentes, quòd in ipso monasterio requiesceret corpus gloriosissimæ peccatricis, & omnem scrupulum hæsitationis de fidelium mentibus amputare volentes, vt ad dictum monasterium veniremus, ad exquirendam huius rei rectitudinem, & probandam nobis humiliter suplicarent. Nos verò deuotis ipsorum petitionibus annuentes anno Domini 1265. die Dominica ante festum beati Dionysij, ad dictum Vizeliacense venimus, & ipsa nocte per matutinas cum Conuentu personaliter ad locum accessimus, in quo dictum corpus gloriosissimum requiescere dicebatur, & circumfodientes ibidem quoddam vas nobile anenum, seu metallinum, quadratum, & longum in quodam loco sub- tus magnum altare deuotissimè inuenimus, & in dicto vase quasdam venerandas reliquias cum magna veneratione repositas, & in duobus pannis sericis inuolutas, & erat ibidem copiamuliebrium capillorum;
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84 OF MAGDALEN OF VÉZELAY is said to have brought. For the greater certainty of the matter, we caused the aforesaid bone of the said Confessor to be enclosed in a certain clean place under our seal, and these present letters to be authenticated with the impression of the same seal. Done in the Church of Lôtre, in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1221, on the Kalends of June. To all who shall inspect these present letters, Guido de Melloto, by divine mercy Bishop of Auxerre, and Peter, by the same mercy Bishop of Pamiers, send greeting in the Lord. Since it was publicly stated, and believed by almost all the faithful of Christ who had knowledge of the place of Vézelay, that the body of the most glorious Mary Magdalene rested in the monastery of Vézelay, yet some doubted whether it rested there, the religious men John, humble abbot, and the convent of the same monastery, holding firmly that the body of the most glorious penitent rested in that very monastery, and wishing to remove every scruple of hesitation from the minds of the faithful, humbly requested us to come to the said monastery, to inquire into the truth of this matter and to verify it. We therefore, consenting to their devout petition, in the year of the Lord 1265, on the Sunday before the feast of blessed Dionysius, came to the said Vézelay, and that very night, with the convent at matins, we personally went to the place where the said most glorious body was said to rest, and, digging around there, we found a certain noble vessel of bronze or metal, square and long, in a certain place beneath the great altar, most devoutly, and in the said vessel certain venerable relics, wrapped in two silk cloths, were deposited with great reverence, and there was also a quantity of women’s hair;
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MONUMENTA. 85 Quas quidem sanctas reliquias esse corpus beatissimæ Magdalena manifestè declaratur ex testimonio literarum illustres simi Regis quondam Ca olicum iis em reliquiis inuentarum, quarum tenor talis est: In nomine sancta & indinidua Trinitatis, Carolus Dei gratia Rex. Regalis celsitudinis mos est, vt nos iustorum su plicationibus annuendo ea, quæ futurorum commendanda sunt memoriæ, manus nost. a propria subscriptione firmemus, & annuli nostri impressione signemus. Idcirco nouerit experientia & industria omnium fidelium, quod in hoc sacro loculo reconditum est sacrum corpus beatissima Maria Magdalenæ. Signum Caroli gloriosissimi Regis. Tectas verò reliquias lætanter inuoluimus, & cum magna circumstantium pietate, gaudio, & multitudine lacrymarum diligenter inspeximus, & postmodum deuotè adoranimus, superadditis quibusdam linteamine, & alio panno, ne propter vetustatem pannorum sericorum de corpore tam gloriosissimæ, seu de tam venerandis reliquiis aliquid deperiret. Quibus taliter inuolutis, ac etiam ligatis à nobis, sigilla nostra ibidem apposuimus cum sigillo religiosi viri Guerri Abbatis S. Mariani Antisiodorensis, & venerabilis vir Magistri Petri Præcentoris Senonensis, ac huiusmodi venerandas reliquias cum dictis litteris ibidem repertis, in dicto vase reposuimus, supra idem vas: Nos Antisiodorensis Episcopus signum nostrum antè & retrò: Nos Paneadensis Episcopus, & dictis Abbas S. Mariani Antisiodorensis signa nostra nihilominus apponentes, ideóque vas iuxta locum suum pristinum reponentes, ac eundem vt priùs fuerat, obturantes. In huius autem rei testimonium & certitudinem, sigilla nostra præsentibus literis duximus ap-
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MONUMENTS. 85 That these sacred relics are indeed the body of the most blessed Magdalene is clearly declared by the testimony of the letters of the most illustrious King Charles, formerly of the Catholics, found in those relics, the tenor of which is as follows: In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Charles by the grace of God King. It is the custom of royal majesty that we, by granting the supplications of the righteous, should confirm with our own hand and subscription, and with the impression of our seal, those things which ought to be commended to the memory of posterity. Wherefore let the experience and diligence of all the faithful know that in this sacred reliquary is enclosed the sacred body of the most blessed Mary Magdalene. The sign of Charles, most glorious King. The covered relics, moreover, we joyfully wrapped, and with the great piety of those standing around, with rejoicing and with a multitude of tears, carefully inspected them, and afterward devoutly adored them, adding certain linen cloths and another cloth, lest, on account of the age of the silk cloths, anything should be lost from the body of so glorious a saint, or from such venerable relics. Thus wrapped and also bound by us, we placed our seals there, together with the seal of the religious man Guerri, Abbot of Saint-Martin of Auxerre, and of the venerable man Master Peter, Precentor of Sens; and these venerable relics, together with the said letters found there, we placed back in the said vessel, above the same vessel: We, the Bishop of Auxerre, our sign before and behind: We, the Bishop of Pamiers, and the said Abbot of Saint-Martin of Auxerre likewise affixing our signs, and therefore placing the vessel back in its former place, and closing it again as before. In testimony and certainty of this matter, we have had our seals attached to the present letters.
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86 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS ponenda. Datum & actum anno Domini prædicta die Lunæ post Dominicam supradictam. Quibus sic peractis, prædicti Domini Episcopus & Abbas prælibatam sanctarum reliquiarum inuentionem piissimo ac sanctissimo Regi beatissimo Ludouico tunc temporis regnanti personaliter nuntiauerunt. Qui quidem beatissimus Rex glorificans Deum ex eo quod suis temporibus præfatæ sanctissimæ reliquæ fuerant inuentæ, diem statuit, & ordinauit, videlicet vigiliam beati Marci Euangelistæ anno Domini 1267. vnà cum reuerendissimo Patre ac Domino Domino Simone Cardinali, tunc in Francia Apostolicæ Sedis Legato, ad præfatas sanctissimas reliquias solemniter releuandas, ad quam viam ipse piissimus, & beatissimus Rex vnà cum prædicto Legato personaliter præsens fuit, cum multis proceribus, vt sequitur, anno Domini 1267, septimo Calendas Maij. [In vigilia beati Marci Euangelistæ positum fuit in capsa corpus sacratissimum beatissimæ Mariæ Magdalenæ in præsentia Domini Simonis tituli sanctæ Cæciliæ Presbyteri Cardinalis, tunc Apostolicæ Sedis Legati in Francia; Domini Guidonis de Melloto Episcopi Autisiodorensis tunc temporis Abbatis Vizeliacensis, & in præsentia Domini Theobaldi Regis Nauarræ, & Comitis Campaniæ, & in præsentia trium filiorum prænominari Regis, videlicet Domini Philippi Maioris, & Domini Ioannis Comitis Niuernensis, & Domini Petri, & in præsentia Domini Hugonis Ducis
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86 OF MAGDALENE OF VÉZELAY to be placed. Done and carried out in the aforesaid year of the Lord on the Monday after the aforesaid Sunday. When these things had thus been accomplished, the aforesaid Lord Bishop and Abbot personally announced the aforesaid discovery of the holy relics to the most pious and most holy King, the most blessed Louis, then reigning at that time. That most blessed King, glorifying God because in his times the aforesaid most holy relics had been found, appointed and arranged a day, namely the vigil of blessed Mark the Evangelist in the year of the Lord 1267, together with the most reverend Father and Lord, Lord Simon, Cardinal, then in France as Legate of the Apostolic See, for the solemn raising of the aforesaid most holy relics, to which journey that most pious and most blessed King was personally present together with the aforesaid Legate, with many nobles, as follows, in the year of the Lord 1267, on the seventh day before the Calends of May. [On the vigil of blessed Mark the Evangelist was placed in a casket the most sacred body of most blessed Mary Magdalene, in the presence of Lord Simon, Cardinal Priest of the title of Saint Cecilia, then Legate of the Apostolic See in France; Lord Guy de Mello, Bishop of Auxerre, then Abbot of Vézelay, and in the presence of Lord Theobald, King of Navarre and Count of Champagne, and in the presence of three sons of the aforesaid king, namely Lord Philip the Elder, and Lord John, Count of Nevers, and Lord Peter, and in the presence of Lord Hugh, Duke of
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MONUMENTA. 87 Burgundiæ, & in præsentia Domini Alphonsi Comitis d'Eu, & in præsentia Domini Gerardi Abbatis sancti Germani Parisiensis, & in præsentia Magistri Gaudrici, cum multitudine fidelium, tam prælatorum, nobilium, & populorum numerosa.} Tunc sequitur forma literarum testimonia- lium præfati piissimi ac sanctissimi, & beatissimi Regis Ludouici, in hæc verba: Ludouicus Dei gratia Francorum Rex, dilectis sibi in Christo Abbati, & Connentui Vizeliacensi salutem, & sinceram in Domino caritatem. Mittimus vobis per dilectum & fidelem Clericum nostrum Magistrum Geraldum Archidiaconum in Ecclesia Parisiensi, latorem præsentium, pretiosum brachium beatissimæ Mariæ Magdalena, & genam ipsius unà cum tribus dentibus, quæ in octauis Paschæ ultimò præteriti cùm nos solemniter eiusdem beatissimæ Ma- riæ translationi interfuimus, nobis apud Vizeliacum tradidistis, quæ quidem ob specialem deuotionem, quam nos & cuncti fideles habere debemus ad ipsam, in vasculis aureis, & variis lapidibus pretiosis orna- tis, brachium videlicet in vasculo facto ad modum brachij unacum manu; genam verò in alio vasculo, quod ab Angelo argenteo deaurato inter manus tene- tur, fecimus honorificè collocari, vobis & vestra Ec- clesiæ ex parte nostra per dictum Archidiaconum præ- sentanda, in præsentia venerandi Patris Simonistit. Sanctæ Cæciliæ Presbyteri Cardinalis Apostolicæ Se- dis Legati, causa visitationis vestram Ecclesiam ad- euntis. Verùm cùm vos de sacratissimo corpore præ- dictæ Beatæ Magdalena, cùm ipsius translationi, vt prædictum est, interfuimus, portionem bonam nobis liberaliter dedissetis, ex quo vobis grates referimus F iiij
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MONUMENTA. 87 of Burgundy, and in the presence of Lord Alphonsus, Count of Eu, and in the presence of Lord Gerard, Abbot of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, and in the presence of Master Gaudricus, with a multitude of the faithful, as well of prelates and nobles as of a numerous people. Then follows the form of the testimonial letters of the aforesaid most pious, most holy, and most blessed King Louis, in these words: Louis, by the grace of God King of the Franks, to his beloved in Christ, the Abbot and Convent of Vezelay, greeting and sincere charity in the Lord. We send to you, by our beloved and faithful clerk, Master Gerald, Archdeacon in the Church of Paris, bearer of these presents, the precious arm of the most blessed Mary Magdalene, and her cheek together with three teeth, which on the Octave of Easter last past, when we were solemnly present at the translation of the same most blessed Mary, you delivered to us at Vezelay; which things, because of the special devotion which we and all the faithful ought to have toward her, we have caused to be honorably placed in vessels of gold and adorned with various precious stones, namely the arm in a vessel made in the form of an arm with a hand; but the cheek in another vessel, which is held between the hands by a silver-gilt angel, to be presented to you and to your Church on our behalf by the said Archdeacon, in the presence of the venerable Father Simon, Cardinal Priest of Saint Cecilia, Legate of the Apostolic See, who is visiting your Church for the purpose of visitation. But since you, when we were present at the translation of the aforesaid Blessed Magdalene, as has been said, had generously given us a good portion of the most sacred body of the aforesaid Blessed Magdalene, for which we return you thanks F iiij
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SS MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS copiosas; nos liberalitatem vestram hulusmodi attendentes, vestram quoque Ecclesiam venerando decorare volentes exuxio, de sacratissimis reliquiis nostris, quas iam du dum recipimus de Imperij Constantinopolitani thesauro, vobis transmisimus, de pretioso videlicet ligno dominico, duas de spinis sacratissimæ coronæ Domini, de pannis infantia Salvatoris, de ipsius sudario, de veste purpurea, in qua fuit illusus, et de linteo, quo fuit præcinctus, quando pedes discipulorum suorum extersit in cæna: quas quidem reliquias fecimus in manus brachij supradicti reponi. Congruum enim visum est nobis, quòd huiusmodi rei quiæ Redemptoris ponerentur cum reliquiis illius sanctissimæ mulieris, quæ tam ardenter dilexit eundem, et ab eo tam largam suorum recipere meruit veniam delictorum: à qua etiam ipse tam familiariter se tangi permisit. Rogamus igitur dilectionem vestram, quatenus huiusmodi tam sanctas, tamque venerandas reliquias cum debito suscipientes honore, et ipsas cum ea veneratione, qua decet, conservare cauentes, ne prædicta vascula, ac lapides pretiosi ad ornatium eorum appositi alienentur in posterum, seu etiam distrahantur. Cæterum vos vt vestris orationibus, ac beneficis nostri, nostrorumque specialem perpetuò memoriam habere velitis. In cuius rei testimonium præsentibus literis nostrum fecimus apponi sigillum, anno Domini 1267. mense Iulio. Simon miseratione diuina tit. sancte Cæciliæ Presbyter Cardinalis Apostolicæ Sedis Legatus, ad æternam rei memoriam. Sanctuarium pretiosum, quod his diebus charissimus Princeps Ludonicus Rex Franconum illustris monasterio Vizeliacensi ad Romanam Ecclesiam nullo medio pertinenti, Ordinis sancti Be-
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SS Magdalenæ Vizeliacensis copiosa; considering your liberality in this matter, and wishing to adorn your church with due reverence, we have sent to you from our most sacred relics, which we long ago received from the treasury of the Constantinopolitan Empire: namely, from the precious wood of the Lord, two thorns from the most sacred crown of the Lord, cloths from the infancy of the Savior, from His sudarium, from the purple garment in which He was mocked, and from the linen with which He was girt when He washed the feet of His disciples at the supper; and we have caused these relics to be placed in the hands of the aforesaid arm relic. For it seemed fitting to us that such relics of the Redeemer should be placed with the relics of that most holy woman who so ardently loved Him, and from whom He so abundantly deserved to receive forgiveness of her sins; and by whom He also so familiarly allowed Himself to be touched. We therefore ask your charity, that you receive these most holy and most venerable relics with due honor, and take care to preserve them with the veneration that is fitting, lest the aforesaid vessels and precious stones placed around them be hereafter alienated, or even dispersed. Moreover, may you wish to keep us in your prayers, and in your benefactions, with special and perpetual remembrance. In testimony of this matter we have caused our seal to be affixed to the present letters, in the year of the Lord 1267, in the month of July. Simon, by divine mercy, Cardinal Priest of the title of Saint Cecilia, Legate of the Apostolic See, for the eternal memory of the matter. A precious sanctuary, which in these days the most dear Prince Louis, illustrious King of the Franks, to the monastery of Vézelay, which pertains directly to the Roman Church, of the Order of Saint Be-
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MONUMENTA. 89 nediti, Æduensis Diæcesis, per discretum virum Geraldum Archidiaconum in Ecclesia Parisiensi transmisset, & quod idem Archidiaconus in nostra, & cleri & populi præsentia, religiosis viris Abbati, & Conuentui eiusdem monasterij, ex parte ipsius Regis præsentauit, & dedit, videlicet os brachij beatæ Maria Magdalena collocatum in vasculo aureo ad modum brachij facto, ornato decem & octo Rubinis, quorum plures sunt optimi, & reliqui sunt balas, viginti & nouem Smaragdis, tredecim Sapphiris Orientalibus, & triginta duabus margaritis grossis, partem etiam ligni vera crucis, & pannorum infantia Saluatoris, ac purpuræ, in qua fuit illusus, nec non balthei, quo præcinctus extitit, cùm lauit pedes discipulorum, & duas spinas de vera corona, qua in sua passione extitit coronatus, in manu ipsius brachij situatas, genam quoque ipsius Sancte cum tribus dentibus reposciam in quodam vasculo argenteo deaurato, quod Angelus argenteus deauratus, ornatus quatuor Merinis balas, & totidem Sapphiris, & octo Smaragdis tenet in manibus, intactum permanere volentes, & ad deuotionem perpetuam eidem monasterio integraliter conservari, auctoritate qua fungimur, districtiùs inhibemus, nequis tantum Sanctuarium, seu prædicta vasa, vel eorum partem, aut aliquem de prædictis lapidibus vendere, minuere, vel mutare, donare, impignorare, detrahere, vel scienter vendere præsumpserit, excommunicationis sententiam proferentes, ordinantes etiam, ac statuentes, & in virtute obedientiæ prædictis Abbati, & Conuentui districtè præcipiendo mandantes, vt semel annuatim in Capitulo Generali personarum prædicti monasterij inhibitionem, & excommunication-
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MONUMENTA. 89 having been sent from Néditi, in the Diocese of Auxerre, through the prudent man Gerald, Archdeacon in the Church of Paris, and that the same Archdeacon, in our presence and that of the clergy and people, had presented and given, on behalf of the same King, to the religious men, the Abbot and Convent of the same monastery, namely, the arm bone of blessed Mary Magdalene placed in a golden vessel made in the form of an arm, ornamented with eighteen rubies, of which many are of the finest quality and the rest are balas, twenty-nine emeralds, thirteen Oriental sapphires, and thirty-two large pearls, also a part of the wood of the true cross, and of the garments of the infant Saviour, and of the purple in which he was mocked, and also of the belt with which he was girded when he washed the feet of the disciples, and two thorns from the true crown with which, in his passion, he was crowned, placed in the hand of that arm, as well as the cheek of the same Saint with three teeth, kept in a certain gilt silver vessel, which a gilt silver Angel, ornamented with four balas rubies, and as many sapphires, and eight emeralds, holds in its hands, we, wishing them to remain untouched and to be preserved in full for the perpetual devotion of the same monastery, by the authority with which we are vested, most strictly forbid that anyone should presume to sell, diminish, or change, give, pledge, remove, or knowingly sell so great a Sanctuary, or the aforesaid vessels, or any part of them, or any of the aforesaid stones, pronouncing the sentence of excommunication, also ordaining and establishing, and, by virtue of obedience, strictly commanding the aforesaid Abbot and Convent that once each year in the General Chapter of the persons of the aforesaid monastery the prohibition and excommunicat-
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90 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS nem huiusmodi publicè legi, & diligenter exponi faciant, ac solemniter publicari. Datum apud Clameriacum quinto Idus Augusti, Pontificatus Domini Clementis Papæ quarti anno tertio. Simon miseratione diuina tit. sanctæ Cæciliæ Presbyter Cardinalis Apostolica Sedis Legatus, religiosis viris Abbati, & Conuentui monastery Vizeliacensis ad Romanam Ecclesiam nullo medio pertinentis, Ordinis sancti Benedicti, Æduensis Diæcesis salutem, & sinceram in Domino caritatem. Sanctorum meritis inclyta gaudia fideles assequi minimè dubitamus, qui per condigna deuotionis obsequia eorum patrocinia, eamque veneramur in illis, quorum gloria ipse est, & retributio meritorum. Causam itaque dare populis deuotis ad promerenda sempiterna gaudia cupientes, omnibus Christi fidelibus verè penitentibus, & confessis, qui in singulis quatuor festivitatibus, quæ de beata Maria Magdalena in Ecclesia vestra, IN QVA EIVS CORPVS REQVIESCIT, annis singulis celebrantur, cum deuotione, ac rene-rentia visitauerint annuatim, ibidem suorum peccatorum veniam à misericordiarum Domino petentibus, de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum eius, ac ea, qua fungimur, auctoritate confisi, centum dies de iniunctis sibi poenitentiis misericorditer relaxamus. Datum apud Clameriacum tertio Idus Augusti, Pontificatus Domini Clementis Papæ quarti anno tertio. Nicolaus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, dilectis filiis Abbati & Conuentui Monasterij Vizeliacensis ad Romanam Ecclesiam nullo medio pertinentis, Ordinis S. Benedicti Æduensis Diæcesis salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Splendor paterna glo-
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90 OF MARY MAGDALENE OF VÉZELAY that such things be publicly read and diligently explained, and solemnly published. Given at Clamecy on the fifth day before the Ides of August, in the third year of the pontificate of our Lord Pope Clement IV. Simon, by divine mercy titular priest of Saint Cecilia, Cardinal, Legate of the Apostolic See, to the religious men, the Abbot and Convent of the monastery of Vézelay, immediately subject to the Roman Church, of the Order of Saint Benedict, in the diocese of Autun, greeting, and sincere charity in the Lord. We do not doubt that the faithful attain the renowned joys of the saints by the merits of the saints, who by fitting works of devotion seek their patronage, and we honor in them that in which their glory itself consists, and the reward of merits. Desiring therefore to provide cause for devout peoples to win everlasting joys, to all the faithful of Christ truly penitent and confessed, who on each of the four festivals which, in your Church, WHERE HER BODY RESTS, are celebrated each year in honor of blessed Mary Magdalene, shall have visited annually with devotion and reverence, there imploring from the Lord of mercies the pardon of their sins, by the mercy of almighty God, and of the blessed Peter and Paul, his Apostles, and by the authority with which we are vested, we mercifully relax one hundred days of the penances enjoined upon them. Given at Clamecy on the third day before the Ides of August, in the third year of the pontificate of our Lord Pope Clement IV. Nicholas, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the beloved sons, the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of Vézelay, immediately subject to the Roman Church, of the Order of St. Benedict, in the diocese of Autun, greeting and apostolic blessing. The splendor of paternal glo-
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MONUMENTA. 91 viæ, qui sua mundum illuminat ineffabili claritate pia vota fidelium de clementissima ipsius maiestate sperantium, tunc præcipuè benigno fauore prosequi- tur, cùm deuota ipsorum humilitas Sanctorum pre- cibus & meritis adiunatur. Cupientes igitur, vt Ec- clesia monasterij vestri, in qua corpus beata Maria Magdalena, cuius est insignita vocabulo, requie- scit, & ibi ob ipsius Magdalena merita, multa vir- tutum miracula Dominus operatur, à fidelium po- pulis ad implorandum eiusdem Magdalena & alio- rum Sanctorum suffragia congruis honoribus fre- quentetur, omnibus verè pænitentibus & confessis, qui Ecclesiam ipsam in festiuitate prædictæ Mag- dalena, & translationis & transmutationis corporis eiusdem in eodem monasterio solemnitatibus, & vs- que ad octo dies festiuitatem, & solemnitates ipsius immediatè sequentes venerabiliter visitauerint an- nuatim, omnipotentis Dei misericordia, & beato- rum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum eius auctoritate confisi vnum annum & quadraginta dies de iniun- ctis eis pænitentiis misericorditer relaxamus. Da- tum Reate 15. Caledas Octob. Pontificatus nostri anno 2. hoc est Christi 1279. quo Sammaximinenses Magdalenæ suæ corpus inuenerunt mense Decéb. Martinus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei vene- rabili fratri Archiepiscopo, & dilectis filiis Decano, & Capitulo Senonensi. Translationem Sanctorum corporum, quam in Catholica Ecclesia Christianus cultus exequitur, sub quodam typo mysterij præfigu- rasse videtur ille filius accrescens, & decorus aspectu, qui de hoc sæculo transiturus fratribus veridica præ- dicatione promittens, quòd ipsos Dominus post eius obitum visitaret, & ad terram promissionis ascende-
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MONUMENTA. 91 …the way, who with his ineffable brightness illuminates the world, graciously follows the pious vows of the faithful who hope in His most clement majesty, especially when their devout humility is joined with the prayers and merits of the Saints. Therefore, desiring that the church of your monastery, in which rests the body of blessed Mary Magdalene, whose name it bears, and where, on account of the merits of the same Magdalene, the Lord works many miracles of virtue, may be frequented by the people of the faithful with fitting honors for the imploring of the suffrages of the same Magdalene and of the other Saints, to all truly penitent and confessed persons who, each year, shall have visited the said church in a venerable manner on the feast of the aforesaid Magdalene, and on the solemnities of the translation and removal of her body in the same monastery, and up to eight days following the feast and solemnities immediately thereafter, trusting in the mercy of almighty God and by the authority of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, we mercifully relax one year and forty days of the penances enjoined upon them. Given at Rieti, 15 Kalends of October, in the second year of our pontificate, that is, of Christ 1279, in which month of December the men of Saint-Maximin found the body of their Magdalene. Martin, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to the venerable brother the Archbishop, and to our beloved sons the Dean and Chapter of Sens. The translation of sacred bodies, which Christian worship carries out in the Catholic Church, seems to have been foreshadowed under a certain type of mystery by that son increasing, and handsome in appearance, who, about to pass from this world, promising his brothers with truthful preaching that the Lord would visit them after his death, and that he would ascend to the land of promise…
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92 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS re faceret ex Ægypto, adiurauit eosdem, vt de illo loco eius ossa secum portarent, huius typi mysterium in peccatrice sanctissima, beata videlicet Magdalena, quæ ad pedes Domini lacrymis illos rigant, & capellis abstergens, profundis succussa singultibus, & ex intimis longa trahens suspiria, felleos humores euomuit, remissionem obtinuit, peccata deposuit, & induit sanctitatem. Olim dum primo in regno Franciæ legationis officio fungeremur, apud Vizeliacum monasterium, VBI GLORIOSVM REQVIESCIT CORPVS ILLIVS, cum veneratione debita exequentes, illud claræ memoriæ Ludouico Rege Francorum, Prælatorum, & aliorum fidelium multitudine numerosa præsentibus, de plumbeo sepulchro, in quo adhuc humiliter existebat, in thecam argenteam cum celebri solemnitate transtulimus, vt proinde impleretur in ea sacra pagina veritas, dum ipsa in abundantia gloriæ sepulchrum inueniretur ingressa, sicut in tempore suo tritici aceruus infertur, vt de loco suo non solum pullularent laudibus ossa eius, sed ampliori pollerent gloria, de humilitatis tumulo ad cumulum maioris venerationis erecta. Decebat enim, vt sicut beatissimus eius spiritus æternam luminis claritatem ingressus supernæ gloriæ secreto colitur, sic & eius corpus, licet adhuc terrenum glorioso quasi conservationis horreo seruaretur. Tunc zelus noster, quem ad ipsam semper in multitudine deuotionis babuiimus, velut ignis accensus persuasit efficaciter, & effecit, vt de tam pretioso thesauro nobis memoriale aliquod in spiritualis ædificationis auxilium, & assiduæ consolationis remedium seruaremus, sicque de ipsius glorioso corpore costam vnam accepimus
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92 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS when He brought them out of Egypt, He adjured them to carry with them from that place his bones; the mystery of this type is fulfilled in the most holy sinner, blessed Magdalene, who, at the feet of the Lord, bathed them with tears and wiped them with her hair, being shaken with deep sobs and drawing long sighs from her inmost heart, she cast forth the bitter humors, obtained remission, put away sins, and put on holiness. Long ago, when first we were exercising the office of legation in the kingdom of France, at the monastery of Vezelay, WHERE HER GLORIOUS BODY RESTS, having performed the due rites of veneration, in the presence of Louis, King of the French, of blessed memory, and of a great multitude of prelates and other faithful, we transferred it from the leaden sepulcher, in which it was still humbly lying, into a silver casket with celebrated solemnity, so that thereby the truth of the sacred page might be fulfilled in her, when she herself, in the abundance of glory, was found to have entered the sepulcher, just as in its season a heap of wheat is brought in, so that not only might her bones spring forth from their place with praises, but shine with greater glory, raised from the tomb of humility to the summit of greater veneration. For it was fitting that, just as her most blessed spirit, having entered the eternal brightness of light, is honored in the secret of heavenly glory, so also her body, though still earthly, should be preserved, as it were, in the glorious granary of preservation. Then our zeal, which we had always borne toward her in the multitude of devotion, like a kindled fire, urged us effectively and brought it to pass that we should keep some memorial from so precious a treasure for the aid of spiritual edification and the remedy of continual consolation; and thus from her glorious body we took one rib
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MONUMENTA. 93 venerabiliter conseruandam, quam humilitatis no- stræ deuotio nobis in minori officio existentibus, decenti adeo decorari procurauit ornatu, quòd in illo se opus & materia mutuis excedere censeren- tur excessibus: Ipsum oculus cuiusque miratur an- tistitis, & in eius contemplatione dextera obstu- pescit. Cuius pulchritudini accessit vernantium, & coruscantium gemmarum adiectio, in diuersiante colorum virtutes eiusdem beatissimæ Magdalena diuersas typicè repræsentans: Ita tamen pretiosum memoriale prædictum idem ornatus includit, quod ab ipsius visione, quæ imaginis Angelicæ ministerio præsentium offertur aspectibus, oculorum aciem, cùm sit peruia, non excludit. Demum verò peregrinationis nostræ exitum attentione sedula contemplantes, deliberauimus tam pretiosi thesauri particulam apud participantes nobiscum in ipsius deuota veneratione deponere, vt etiam nobis deficientibus debita vene- ration non deesset. Considerantes itaque, quòd in Ec- clesia & ciuitate Senonensi Clerus, & populus eam- dem beatissimam Magdalenam singulariter vene- rantur, celebritatem ipsius solemniter celebrant, & celebriter eius solemnia Festa colunt, carissimum nobis memoriale præfatum, vebis per dilectum fi- lium nostrum Ægidium germanum nostrum, in sin- gularis deuotionis indicium destinamus. Accipite ergo illud alacritate debita, prosequimini reueren- tia, quantum possibilitas patitur congrua, & hono- riscè in vestra Ecclesia collocate, ipsius beatissimæ Magdalena nos commendaturi patrocinio, quoties eius agetis solemnia, vel memoriam facietis. Vt autem ad eandem Senonensem Ecclesiam de cetero in eiusdem Magdalena festinitate eo pleniùs con-
Transcription: Translated (English)
MONUMENTA. 93 venerably to be preserved, which the devotion of our humility, while we were in the lower office, procured to be adorned with so fitting a beauty, that in it the work and the material were thought to surpass one another in mutual excellence. The eye of every prelate marvels at it, and in contemplating it the right hand stands amazed. To its beauty was added the placing of flourishing and shining gems, typologically representing the different virtues of the same most blessed Magdalene in the diversity of their colors. Yet so precious a memorial is enclosed by the said ornament that, while it is visible to those present through the ministry of the angelic image, it does not exclude the line of sight, since it is open to view. Finally, then, considering with diligent attention the end of our pilgrimage, we resolved to deposit a portion of so precious a treasure among those who share with us in its devout veneration, so that even when we are lacking, due reverence should not be lacking. Considering therefore that in the Church and city of Sens the clergy and people especially venerate the same most blessed Magdalene, solemnly celebrate her festival, and devoutly keep her solemn feasts, we send to you, through our dear son Ægidius, our brother, the aforesaid beloved memorial as a sign of singular devotion. Receive it therefore with due gladness, treat it with reverence as far as suitable opportunity allows, and place it honorably in your Church, so that you may commend us to the patronage of the same most blessed Magdalene whenever you celebrate her solemnities or make mention of her memory. But that in the said Church of Sens hereafter, at the feast of the same Magdalene, more fully...
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94 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS fluant Christi fideles, quo se ob eius reuerentiam uberioris retributionis gratiaremunerari perspexerint: Nos de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, & beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum eius auctoritate confisi, omnibus verè poenitentibus & confessis, qui ad eandem Ecclesiam in die festiuitatis eiusdem Magdalenæ causa deuotionis accesserint, singulis annis dies centum, eis verò qui infra octauas festiuitatis eiusdem taliter ad Ecclesiam accedent eandem, quadraginta dies de iniunctis eis poenitentiis misericorditer relaxamus. Datum apud Vrbem veterem octauo Calendas Octobris, Pontificatus anno primo. Hæc sunt præcipua Vizeliacensis Magdalenæ monumenta, quibus adiungimus insignem & antiquo substructam artificio machinam, qua R. P. Guesnæus recitâdas à se Bonifacij VIII. Benedicti XI. & aliorum Pontificum bullas præmunit cap. 26. Disquisitionis suæ: Accedit, inquit, altera non tantùm membrorum inter se, verùm etiam cum capite consensio, quam apud veteres semper habitam fuisse pro veritatis fidelissima nota Cyprianus ad Cornelium Papam scribens, ex diuina traditione & Apostolica institutione testatur. Mos enim fuit ab ipsius Ecclesiæ incunabulis diuinitus institutus, vt non modò Concilia, sed singuli etiam Episcopi, literas, in quibus esset fidei ac regiminis Ecclesiæ formula, quam profitebantur, darent ad Romanum Pontificem: cuius sententiæ starent, & consiliis vterentur, atque etiam manu, ne conciderent. Audi Sophronium Patriarcham Hierosolymitanum, qui sic ad Honorium Papam scribit. Et cetera eiusmodi bene multa, quibus apprimè docet se eo prædi-
Transcription: Translated (English)
94 MAGDALENÆ VIZELIACENSIS flow forth the faithful of Christ, seeing that for reverence toward her they shall be rewarded with the grace of a richer recompense: We, trusting in the mercy of almighty God, and by the authority of his blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, grant to all who are truly penitent and confessed, and who shall have come to that same church on the day of the feast of the said Magdalene out of devotion, each year one hundred days; and to those who, within the octaves of the same feast, shall come in such manner to the same church, we mercifully relax forty days of the penances enjoined upon them. Given at Orvieto on the eighth day before the Kalends of October, in the first year of the Pontificate. These are the chief monuments of the Magdalen of Vézelay, to which we add that remarkable machine, built upon an ancient design, by which the Rev. Father Guesnæus, in chapter 26 of his Disquisition, prepares the bulls of Boniface VIII, Benedict XI, and other Pontiffs to be read by him. “There is,” he says, “another agreement, not only of the members among themselves, but also with the head, which Cyprian, writing to Pope Cornelius, testifies to have always been held among the ancients as the surest mark of truth, from divine tradition and apostolic institution. For it was the custom, divinely established from the very cradle of the Church, that not only Councils, but even individual Bishops, should send letters to the Roman Pontiff, containing the formula of the faith and of the government of the Church which they professed; and to abide by his decisions, and use his counsels, and even his hand, lest they should fall apart. Hear Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, who thus writes to Pope Honorius. And many other such things, by which he very clearly shows that he is thereby pre-
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Transcription: ATR-1
M O N V M E N T A. 95 tum esse iudicio, cui par nullum vix possit inueniri. Sed qui nostram de commentitio Magdalenæ in Prouinciam appulsu Dissertationem legit, machinam à Guesnæo post bellum adductam esse iudicabit. F I N I S. BIBLIOTECA NAZI. VITTERIO EMANUELE. ERRATA. Pagina 7. lin. 7. lege 83. pag. 18. lin. 11. lege scribant, pag. 21. lin. 26. pro nono lege decimo, pag. 24. lin. 10. lege sanari, pag. 33. lin. 9. lege refertam, pag. 43. lin. 22. lege Vrbanus I II. pag. 74. lin. 8. pro iudiciosorum, lege acutissimorum.
Transcription: Translated (English)
M O N V M E N T A. 95 so much so in judgment, that scarcely any equal can be found. But whoever reads our Dissertation on the fictitious arrival of Magdalena in Provence will judge that the machine was brought in by Guesné after the war. F I N I S. BIBLIOTECA NAZI. VITTERIO EMANUELE. ERRATA. Page 7, line 7, read 83; page 18, line 11, read scribant ; page 21, line 26, instead of nono read decimo ; page 24, line 10, read sanari ; page 33, line 9, read refertam ; page 43, line 22, read Vrbanus III ; page 74, line 8, instead of iudiciosorum , read acutissimorum .
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Transcription: ATR-1
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Transcription: Translated (English)
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